THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

JFK Assassination
Bruce Patrick Brychek
Senior Member
Posts: 3703
Joined: Sat Dec 02, 2006 4:53 am

THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

Post by Bruce Patrick Brychek »

01.30.2017:THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 36:SPECIAL NOTE: (11.22.2017 WILL BE 54 YEARS SINCE THE REMOVAL OF JFK. I HAVE COME TO VERY RELUCTANTLY ACCEPT AND UNDERSTAND, TO A DEGREE, WHO, WHAT, WHEN, WHERE, WHY, AND HOW THE COUNTER INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITIES, THE DEFENSE INTELLIGENCE AGENCY, THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, THE HIGH SCHOOL, COLLEGE, AND GRADUATE SCHOOL COMMUNITIES, THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITIES, THE MAIN STREAM MEDIA, MAJESTIC TWELVE, THE STATE OF TEXAS LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES, THE WARREN COMMISSION INVESTIGATION AND REPORT, etc., HAVE NEVER INDIVIDUALLY OR COLLECTIVELY ATTEMPTED AND COMPLETED A COMPLETE, FINAL, FULL, NO HOLDS BARRED IN DEPTH ANALYSIS OF THE JFK REMOVAL. WHAT I DON'T UNDERSTAND IS HOW AND WHY THE JFK RESEARCH COMMUNITY HAS ACCOMPLISHED SO LITTLE OF ANY REAL VALUE OVER THE LAST ALMOST 54 YEARS. IN DEPTH ANALYSIS, READING, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITING ABOUT WHAT REALLY DEVELOPED AND LED UP TO AND THROUGH THE REMOVAL OF JFK IS UNDER DEVELOPED, AND UNTOUCHED IN REAL FAR REACHING ANALYSES.CONTINUALLY AMASING, ARGUING, COLLECTING, REVIEWING, AND WRITING ABOUT CONFLICTING FACTS ON THE JFK ADJUSTMENT AND REMOVAL ONLY COLLECTS THESE ALLEGED FACTS, OPINIONS, AND POINTS OF INFORMATION LIKE SO MANY GRAINS OF SAND ON THE GROWING BEACH DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF JFK.BUT WHAT HAS BEEN ACCOMPLISHED ?WHAT HAS CHANGED ?WHAT HAS BEEN IMPROVED ?In some ways this is meant to be a Total Attack on 90%+ of the JFK and Related Subject Matters Community who just don't get it. Never have. Never will. In some ways this is meant to be a Total Support of the 10%+ of the JFK and Related Subject Matters Community who does get it, and seeks to Develop and Improve The Quest For Knowledge and Truth. Less than 5% of the JFK, Malcolm X, MLK, RFK, and Watergate-Nixon Adjustments and Removals is agreed upon, confirmed, discussed, known, or proven intelligently in America today.90% of the JFK Research Community continues to spin their wheels chasing their Tails and Tales.54 years since the JFK Adjustment and Removal and so very little has been accomplished, agreed to, or proven, that it is PATHETIC. Most Americans couldn't find The TRUTH today with a CAMERA PHONE, a DRONE, and a TIME MACHINE. 54 years later after The JFK Adjustment and Removal and the JFK Research Community is still arguing, debating, and investigating the following, but not limited to:Abort teams, autopsies, bullets, bullet holes, caskets, confessions, conversations, discussions, escape routes, homosexual stories, interpretations, guns, love stories, meetings, movies, movie alterations, photos, photo alterations, pictures, picture alterations, pixels, planners, rifles, sabots, shooters, shooting teams, shots, silencers, videos, videos altered, witnesses, witness depositions, witness statements, witness statements altered, witness testimony, etc.90%+ of all Living JFK and Related Subject Matter Researchers and Witnesses don't care about, know about, or understand the Deep and Far Reaching Ramifications of the JFK Adjustment and Removal of 11.22.1963.90%+ of all Living Americans today don't care about, know about, or understand the Deep and Far ReachingRamifications of the JFK Adjustment and Removal of 11.22.1963. 01.30.2017. BB)JOHN F. KENNEDY’S LAST STAND: EISENHOWER, UFO’s, MJ-12, AND THE JFK ASSASSINATION:A Review Essay: Dr Michael Salla’s new book KENNEDY’S LAST STAND: Eisenhower, UFOs, MJ-12 and JFK’s Assassination (Exopolitics Institute 2013).By Come Carpentier de Gourdon Michael Salla’s books have in common clarity, methodical progression and persuasive argumentation, all intended to convince an uninformed readership of a thesis that is far from easy to accept. His latest work is no exception. In it Salla focuses on one main topic: the alleged connection between the assassination of President John F Kennedy and his documented attempts to gain knowledge about and disclose the extraterrestrial factor responsible for the UFO issue, all against the will of a powerful secret para-governmental Cabal that controlled and still appears to control that elusive area of scientific research and technological development. In ten chapters, Salla surveys a vast amount of documentation drawn from across the spectrum of “ufological” literature and lists many documents, some officially declassified and others anonymously leaked, to support his theory, providing precise references for every statement and quotation he makes. His conclusions are hence abundantly supported and cogently argued in the form of propositions. He also takes pains to analyse contradicting claims and assess alternative hypotheses on their factual merit. Any reader who takes the trouble to familiarize himself with some of the sources will have to conclude that while not all the book’s deductions are proven beyond doubt, they all display a high degree of plausibility. After using as a starting point President Clinton’s well known request to his friend and confidant Webster Hubbell to try finding out the answer to two questions that greatly troubled him, namely who killed JFK and what was behind UFOs, Salla dedicates his first chapter to Kennedy’s early years as a Naval Intelligence Officer who became close to then Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal, a fellow American Irishman and former journalist. He follows the two men as they toured defeated Germany in 1945 at about the time when President Truman authorized Operation Paperclip that was to clandestinely bring to the US thousands of high-level German scientists and engineers, many working on secret weapons programmes. Some of those according to various Intelligence sources, including CIA agent Virgil Armstrong and Capt. Edward Ruppelt later in charge of the Air Force’s Bluebook Project, involved the development of very advanced spacecraft made possible, according to the father of the Third Reich’s rocket technology Dr Hermann Oberth, by the help of “people from other worlds”. Numerous documents and photographs from the Nazi archives attest the existence of those disc shaped aircraft. That fact might explain the resolve of the allies to gain complete control over the Third Reich’s scientific establishment and to utterly destroy a regime that posed so great a technological and military threat to all other powers. The first chapter ends with the analysis of the circumstances of Forrestal’s mysterious death on May 22, 1949. which appears to have been the result of a political assassination while he was in Government custody on direct orders of the White House. Although Forrestal himself claimed to be under continuous threat in the last months of his life from Jewish agents who were allegedly stalking him on behalf of the state of Israel to whose creation he was opposed, there is strong evidence that the first US Secretary of Defence’s participation in a recently created secret government committee called MJ-12 (Majestic 12), dedicated to the management of Extra-terrestrial and UFO related affairs, played a role in his “termination” as he had reportedly become hostile to the official cover up policy and sought to make at least some of the knowledge he had gathered available to the public. Salla quotes William Cooper, one of the researchers on MJ-12 in his conclusion that Forrestal was not only fully briefed on the UFO situation and had seen both the recovered crafts and the bodies of the crew but that he had also been abducted or taken aboard an alien vehicle. His tragic death disguised as a suicide is one of the early and well publicized cases that show the US Government by then was operating as a totalitarian oligarchy in which no one was safe from state-commissioned murder. With regard to the American government’s awareness of an extraterrestrial presence on earth, Salla quotes a leaked top secret memo from General George Marshall to President Roosevelt, dated March 8th 1942 stating that the US armed forces were in possession of at least parts of an alien spacecraft that had fallen in California shortly before that date. Chapter 2 provides a summary account of the Roswell alien crash in early July 1947, since confirmed and corroborated by multiple witnesses and documents, including secret instruction letters from President Truman and General Dwight Eisenhower to certain military commanders. Salla establishes that the momentous decision to retract the initial Army news release about the UFO recovery and put out a cover story about a fallen weather balloon was almost certainly made by Eisenhower, then Chief of Staff of the War Department, for reasons of national security. He also shows that Kennedy, a first term Congressman was informally briefed on the real event, probably by his friend Stuart Symington who was then Assistant Secretary of War for Air, under Forrestal. In the weeks following the Roswell incident which the government rightly saw as a world changing event, the Department of Defence was reorganized into three separate services, while the CIA was created together with a number of new agencies, including the super-secret MJ-12 intended to place the country on a war footing. Salla also gives official documentary evidence for the existence since 1942 of a secret Military Counter-Intelligence Department called the Interplanetary Phenomenon Unit, apparently set up by President F D Roosevelt soon after the UFO retrieval near Los Angeles. By now the book has made it abundantly clear that the US Government at the highest level was working under the assumption that it was under a very high potential threat from an “Alien” entity which also however represented a phenomenal opportunity for a technological quantum leap into the future, light years ahead of the civilisational achievements hitherto mastered. In a Cold War climate, the rulers of the country decided this factor had to be hidden from most people at home and abroad and the most stringent precautions were taken to deny the truth. I wrote several years ago in an article that the very ratcheting up of the tension with the USSR may have been engineered in order to provide a convenient motive for the introduction of emergency policies motivated by the unacknowledged UFO “elephant in the room”. Chapter 3 deals with the leaked 8 page Eisenhower Briefing Document on the Alien situation which was allegedly presented to the newly elected president on November 18, 1952. Extensive technical analysis of the document by the Dr. Robert and Ryan Wood team and by Stanton Friedman has led them to confirm its authenticity. One independently established fact mentioned in that document is that on September 24th, 1947 Truman had by Special Classified Executive Order set up Operation Majestic, on the day of his meeting with James Forrestal and his chief scientific adviser Dr Vannevar Bush who had headed military research and development during World War II, including the Manhattan Project. There is hence no reasonable doubt about the existence of MJ-12 as a central organ of the permanent, unelected secret government that was being set up in the early fifties on Eisenhower’s order (Executive Order 10432) by no other than Nelson Rockefeller who was simultaneously appointed Special Assistant to the President for Cold War Planning. The secret government had under its control the most important issues related to national security, including advanced military R&D, Intelligence and more particularly all matters related to UFOs and Alien visitors. Additional evidence for the existence of MJ-12 is provided by the declassified Cutler-Twining Memorandum dated July 14, 1954 that specifically refers to it and lists a series of plans (for psychological warfare, unconventional war, cover and deception, command, communications etc…) that had been developed under its purview. Rockefeller remained in charge of the committee in charge of reorganizing the government until September 1959, a few months before the end of Eisenhower’s second term. By then the CIA,whose director since 1953 Allen Dulles became MJ-1 in succession to Admiral Hillenkoetter, first head of Central Intelligence, when the latter retired, had been made the sole gatekeeper to Majestic to which not even the President could have access. The notorious Directorate of Plans, headed by Frank Wisner Sr. who retired in 1959 was tasked with the protection of MJ-12, through its Counter-Intelligence (C I) Division which was under the authority of James Jesus Angleton. Originally, MJ-12 ran its research at the Wright Patterson Air Force Base in Dayton, Ohio where it concentrated much of the “alien” technological and biological material recovered in diverse circumstances and it reportedly held its meetings in the nearby Battelle Institute. However in 1955, the need was felt for a completely autonomous facility outside the control of the Air Force. Accordingly, Wisner’s second-in-command Richard Bissell together with top engineers from the Lockheed Corporation, selected a site owned by the Department of Energy, located on the edge of the Atomic Energy Commission’s Nevada Test Site, around Groom Lake. The new facility was codenamed Area 51 and extensive underground silos and labs were dug under the dry lake bed. Furthermore a few miles away another, even more secret facility was set up under the named S-4 for the sole purpose of studying and reverse engineering UFO alien technology. Funding comes from the CIA’s black budget which is virtually unlimited (“without regard to any provision of the law”) and is not under any legislative or executive outside supervision. While the “official” black budget for the year 2013 amounts to about 57 billion dollars, according to the cost breakdown leaked by Edward Snowden, the annual “unofficial” one according to some estimates may well exceed one trillion or even a trillion and a half dollars in the last decade or two. GroomPapooseSalla points out that Area 51 and its advanced aircraft development work leading to such cutting edge planes as the “Oxcart” and U-2, have always provided a reliable cover for the even more exotic programs being carried out at S-4. People, whether officials or members of the public, who show curiosity about the mysteries of the area are given some information about the experimental aeronautical vehicles being designed and tested there and sometimes are told that “UFOs” are just a cover used by the Pentagon to keep enemies and busybodies in the dark about the real military technologies under study. He cites the testimonies of a number of Area 51 and S-4 whistleblowers while pointing out that their allegations are in most cases unproven though they are generally congruent even though those former employees did not know one another. A major result of the system devised by Nelson Rockefeller was that the activities of Majestic and its related CIA-sponsored operations became unknown to all, including President Eisenhower himself. He tried to regain control in 1958 and reportedly had to threaten MJ-12 to send the 1st Army from Colorado to occupy Area 51 if he was not fully briefed on the situation there but got only a limited update through two envoys that he sent to the base which by then had became a state within the state. A coalition of Intelligence organizations and major military industrial corporations had taken exclusive control of the research programs connected to UFOs and no other president would be able to change that. Eisenhower warned the nation in his famous but cryptic farewell speech about the “military-industrial complex” three days before leaving office on January 17th 1961 but few people could understand what he was referring to and even fewer had the power to act. His successor John Kennedy was one of those and he was to try repeatedly to take control of a rogue secret state that had emptied the presidency of much of its substance, according to documentation that has surfaced since. Chapters 4 and 5 document reveal when and how Eisenhower briefed Kennedy on the UFO files and on the situation he was to confront within the government in that regard. Indeed, shortly after assuming office, the new president issued Executive Order 10320, dated February 19th 1961 whereby he abolished the Operations Coordinating Board of the CIA, the successor to the Psychological Strategy Board set up in 1951 and placed all its activities under the control of his National Security Adviser, McGeorge Bundy and the Department of State. Then, on 28 June 1961 he wrote a top secret memorandum to Allen Dulles asking him to provide a full review of its psychological operations, the bracket under which all UFO related research was reportedly being carried out. The book highlights that Dulles, whose hold over the CIA was weakened by the fiasco of the Bay of Pigs operations in Cuba, his brainchild, saw the President’s investigation as a critical threat to MJ-12’s power and prerogatives. Accordingly in September, before replying, he sent a memo to six other members of MJ-12 (the infamous “burned memo” rescued from destruction by a member of his personal staff after Angleton’s death) in which he asked them to respond before November 1961 giving their opinion on what was to be done to deal with “Lancer’s inquiries” which he pointed out significantly “we cannot allow”. It is well known that “Lancer” was President Kennedy’s cryptonym in the Intelligence community. In his answer to him dated of November 5th, 1961, Dulles eluded the issue, alleging that security requirements did not allow him to disclose the activities of MJ-12 and that the rumors on UFOs were “soviet propaganda” though he conceded that some UFOs might be non-terrestrial in origin but added that they did not pose a military threat, a claim that has become a standard – though unproven – line in official statements from the American and other governments. On November 19th Dulles resigned under pressure from the President but not without leaving another classified document in the care of the counter-Intelligence chief, his confidant Angleton. That document refers cryptically to “Project Environment” and states that if the Government continues to hamper the growth of the “environment”, “it should be wet”. In CIA parlance, that is interpreted as a provision to kill and Salla concludes, like other researchers before him, that in effect Dulles laid the ground for assassinating a President whom he and his colleagues regarded as a traitor and a dangerous meddler into matters that were above his “need to know”. Critics will allege that it is impossible to prove that Dulles indeed ordered JFK’s assassination through such an ambiguous document and that there is no evidence that such a decision, even if it was made, was motivated by the UFO issue since there were several other matters (the expanding Vietnam war, the powers of the Executive vs the Federal Reserve Board, relations with the USSR, Israel’s secret nuclear programme) over which Kennedy was in conflict with the Deep State that existed since the days of Truman at least. The Israelis, according to some researchers such as Michael Piper Collins had good reasons to order the killing of a President opposed to their acquisition of atomic weapons and US military leaders faulted Kennedy for the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion which had been planned under Eisenhower’s watch and of which he did not approve. Some on the Far Right accused him of being a Communist appeaser, unwilling to fight the Red takeover in Vietnam, as documented by Col. Fletcher Prouty, not without some justification as we will see further on. However the connection between JFK’s proven demands to gain full knowledge of the secret activities of MJ-12 and the CIA while cutting the latter down to size and the equally documented reactions from Dulles strongly suggests that a hidden war between the White House and the Secret Government was being waged over the UFO issue. Moreover, those who killed the 35th president may have had more than one reason to do so and it is significant that Angleton, seemingly entrusted by Dulles with the execution of his “termination” order, was in charge of both Counter Intelligence and Liaison with Israel’s Intelligence until his own retirement in 1975. He might hence have fulfilled two complementary agendas in one blow, so to speak. In Chapter 6, Salla names the twelve members of MJ-12 in the year 1961 when the decision to kill JFK was apparently made under the protocols of “Project Environment”. By then several of the original members had retired or died and their successors are even harder to identify in view of the extreme secrecy of the program. Among them, Edward Teller was reportedly MJ-2 and a few generals, Curtis LeMay, John Samford and Marshall Carter were then members along with eminent scientists Detlev Bronk and Donald Menzel and veteran Intelligence Operative Gordon Gray. The book makes an educated guess about the identities of the six (MJ-2 to MJ-7, listed as recipients in the heading) to whom Dulles’s memo about eliminating the President was sent. Chapter 7 provides a fascinating insight into the initiatives taken by Kennedy in the years 1961 and 1962 to gain inside information about the UFO issues by circumventing Majestic and the CIA that had stonewalled him. It is now known that his brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy was extensively briefed on behalf of the President, by Colonel Philip Corso, head of the Army’s Foreign Technology Desk from 1960 to 1963, who had extensive knowledge of the Alien situation. Further there are unconfirmed reports, including references in a leaked CIA account for James Angleton of a wiretapped conversation between Marilyn Monroe and two friends, including society reporter Dorothy Killgallen that Kennedy had gone to a medical facility in a US military base in Florida, possibly Homestead AFB, to see alien bodies that were kept there. Additionally on June 6, 1963 he visited, together with Vice-President Johnson the contiguous military bases of White Sands Missile Range (the home of many of the German scientists hosted through Project Paperclip), Fort Bliss and Holloman in New Mexico, in the vicinity of Roswell. According to investigator Tim Cooper, on his specific demand Kennedy was given a classified briefing on UFOs and the ET situation. Finally, the famous ET contactee George Adamski affirmed that he had been secretly received by the President at the White House in October 1961 and had conveyed to him a written message containing an invitation to meet with certain Alien envoys on board their craft at Desert Hot Springs in California. Adamski asserted that such a visit indeed took place shortly afterwards. When one takes into account the proven high degree of access enjoyed by Adamski in high places in those years, one cannot dismiss his testimony lightly. It has now been established that he was received privately by various heads of state and by Pope John XXII himself at the Vatican. They all took seriously his status as a messenger of visitors from other worlds. The following chapter recapitulates the circumstances that led to Marilyn Monroe’s sudden death on August 5th, 1962, the day before she was supposed to give a “tell all” press conference, promising to reveal quite a few damaging secrets about the Kennedy administration and the private life of the President. By then, the Kennedy brothers had distanced themselves from her on the advice of FBI director Edgar Hoover who had warned that the disturbed actress was a security threat. Multiple witnesses have testified that the Attorney General visited the jilted and angry Star twice at her house on her last day, in the company of two secret service agents or police detectives. The general view is that Robert Kennedy had been given a mission from the President to convince her to keep the secrets he had unwittingly shared in her and in particular, to recover her “red diary” which allegedly contained many incriminating details of their relationship. It would appear that Marilyn was given a “sedative” injection which may accidentally or purposely caused her death and Salla concludes that the agent who performed may have been under CIA orders to compromise the Kennedy’s in order to ensure their silence. As a matter of fact, the red diary has never been officially found and Marilyn’s suspected secrets died with her. Both John and Robert Kennedy were to follow her in the grave within a few years. Chapter 9 takes us to the central argument of the book: Kennedy’s last stand that resulted in his violent death in Dallas from what the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on Assassination formally defined as “probably a conspiracy”, contrary to the whitewashing conclusions reached by the Warren Commission. Recently Robert Kennedy Jr. has said that the assassination of his uncle was likely carried out by a “rogue” faction of the CIA; that amounts to a polite verbal device to exonerate the highest authorities in the land, including Lyndon Johnson who seems from many accounts to have been a party to the murder plot as he was a zealous supporter of the “black” government and of the UFO secrecy it enforced. Indeed, the major reason why Kennedy was killed, according to Salla was his commitment to enter into a comprehensive program of cooperation with the USSR for arms control, scientific research and space exploration, as he stated as early as his inaugural address on January 20th 1961. Subsequently, after pledging to fight and limit government secrecy in a famous speech in April, from June 28, as we have seen, he issued the first of three successive National Security Action memoranda to release information related to space matters. Although his initial overture to Soviet Premier Khrushchev was shunned, Kennedy persisted and on September 20th, 1963 he gave a decisive speech to the UN General Assembly about his intent to cooperate with the USSR for space exploration. According to various inside sources, Khrushchev relented in his opposition on or around November October 11. On the very next day, after holding a “hotline” conversation with him on the UFO problem, transcribed in a leaked NSA intercept, the American President issued National Security Action Memorandum 271 to the NASA administrator, James Webb, instructing him to prepare for cooperation with the Soviets and in parallel sent CIA Director McCone a top secret memo to order a “classification review of all the UFO Intelligence affecting National Security” which was to be submitted no later than February 1st 1964. That could be regarded as a frontal attack on the Majestic “black government” system and significantly, the leaked copy of the Memo bears a note at the bottom signed William Colby, then a Deputy Chief of the CIA (Far Eastern Division) saying “Angleton has MJ directive, 11/20/63”, which can be interpreted as referring to Dulles’s “Environment” contingency. The operation to kill the President, codenamed “The Big Event” according to veteran covert agent Howard Hunt, took place two days later and involved a few shadowy intermediaries and hitmen, including George de Mohrenschildt, Cord Meyer, Clay Shaw Franck Sturgis, David Morales and, probably at a lower “Patsy” level Lee Harvey Oswald but the chain of command went all the way back to Majestic 12 through Vice-President Johnson. President Kennedy’s murder appears in the light of Salla’s investigation even more ominous and consequential for American and global politics than is generally believed. It consecrated the takeover of the US State by an secret para-military and industrial unelected and unaccountable junta, capable not only of killing the head of state but also of controlling subsequent investigations in order to protect itself from exposure. Immune from any democratic or public oversight and mustering unlimited funding, the secret government has been able to develop under a cloak of secrecy a colossal technological and scientific infrastructure, partly on the strength of its access to at least one very advanced alien civilization, mostly for its own strategic and financial benefit. Although many of the breakthroughs achieved by that clandestine privatized system have since percolated down to our civilian economy as attested by the technological revolution of the last few decades, it is highly probable that the most life-changing discoveries are still hidden away in the dark folds of the military industrial complex as Ben Rich, the former head of the Lockheed Corp’s Skunkworks department openly confessed not long before his death. The End
Bruce Patrick Brychek
Senior Member
Posts: 3703
Joined: Sat Dec 02, 2006 4:53 am

THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

Post by Bruce Patrick Brychek »

02.11.2017:THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 37A - CONTINUED IN 37B:SPECIAL NOTE: (11.22.2017 WILL BE 54 YEARS SINCE THE REMOVAL OF JFK. I HAVE COME TO VERY RELUCTANTLY ACCEPT AND UNDERSTAND, TO A DEGREE, WHO, WHAT, WHEN, WHERE, WHY, AND HOW THE COUNTER INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITIES, THE DEFENSE INTELLIGENCE AGENCY, THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, THE HIGH SCHOOL, COLLEGE, AND GRADUATE SCHOOL COMMUNITIES, THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITIES, THE MAIN STREAM MEDIA, MAJESTIC TWELVE, THE STATE OF TEXAS LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES, THE WARREN COMMISSION INVESTIGATION AND REPORT, etc., HAVE NEVER INDIVIDUALLY OR COLLECTIVELY ATTEMPTED AND COMPLETED A COMPLETE, FINAL, FULL, NO HOLDS BARRED IN DEPTH ANALYSIS OF THE JFK REMOVAL. WHAT I DON'T UNDERSTAND IS HOW AND WHY THE JFK RESEARCH COMMUNITY HAS ACCOMPLISHED SO LITTLE OF ANY REAL VALUE OVER THE LAST ALMOST 54 YEARS. IN DEPTH ANALYSIS, READING, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITING ABOUT WHAT REALLY DEVELOPED AND LED UP TO AND THROUGH THE REMOVAL OF JFK IS UNDER DEVELOPED, AND UNTOUCHED IN REAL FAR REACHING ANALYSES.CONTINUALLY AMASING, ARGUING, COLLECTING, REVIEWING, AND WRITING ABOUT CONFLICTING FACTS ON THE JFK ADJUSTMENT AND REMOVAL ONLY COLLECTS THESE ALLEGED FACTS, OPINIONS, AND POINTS OF INFORMATION LIKE SO MANY GRAINS OF SAND ON THE GROWING BEACH DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF JFK.BUT WHAT HAS BEEN ACCOMPLISHED ?WHAT HAS CHANGED ?WHAT HAS BEEN IMPROVED ?In some ways this is meant to be a Total Attack on 90%+ of the JFK and Related Subject Matters Community who just don't get it. Never have. Never will. In some ways this is meant to be a Total Support of the 10%+ of the JFK and Related Subject Matters Community who does get it, and seeks to Develop and Improve The Quest For Knowledge and Truth. Less than 5% of the JFK, Malcolm X, MLK, RFK, and Watergate-Nixon Adjustments and Removals is agreed upon, confirmed, discussed, known, or proven intelligently in America today.90% of the JFK Research Community continues to spin their wheels chasing their Tails and Tales.54 years since the JFK Adjustment and Removal and so very little has been accomplished, agreed to, or proven, that it is PATHETIC. Most Americans couldn't find The TRUTH today with a CAMERA PHONE, a DRONE, and a TIME MACHINE. 54 years later after The JFK Adjustment and Removal and the JFK Research Community is still arguing, debating, and investigating the following, but not limited to:Abort teams, autopsies, bullets, bullet holes, caskets, confessions, conversations, discussions, escape routes, homosexual stories, interpretations, guns, love stories, meetings, movies, movie alterations, photos, photo alterations, pictures, picture alterations, pixels, planners, rifles, sabots, shooters, shooting teams, shots, silencers, videos, videos altered, witnesses, witness depositions, witness statements, witness statements altered, witness testimony, etc.90%+ of all Living JFK and Related Subject Matter Researchers and Witnesses don't care about, know about, or understand the Deep and Far Reaching Ramifications of the JFK Adjustment and Removal of 11.22.1963.90%+ of all Living Americans today don't care about, know about, or understand the Deep and Far ReachingRamifications of the JFK Adjustment and Removal of 11.22.1963.GEORGE EFTHYRON JOANNIDES, (1992 - 1990), WAS A SIGNIFICANT CIA AGENT WITH MANY RELATIONSHIPS TO THE JFK REMOVAL BEFORE, DURING, AND AFTER 11.22.1963. YET THERE IS PRACTICALLY NO SERIOUS ANALYSIS, READINGS, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITINGS ABOUT JOANNNIDES BY THE JFK RESEARCH COMMUNITY FOR THE PAST 54 YEARS.JOANNIDES RELATIONSHIPS WITH JAMES JESUS ANGLETON AND RICHARD HELMS CAN NOT BE OVER EMPHASIZED. 02.10.2017. BB)British History - American History - The First World War - The Second World War:British History > Spies and Spymasters > George Joannides - James Jesus Angleton:GEORGE EFTHYRON JAONNIDES:George E. Joannides, the son of a journalist, was born in Athens, Greece, on 5th July, 1922. His family arrived in New York in 1923. After graduating from the City College he received a law degree from St. John's University. He worked for the Greek language National Herald before moving to Washington in 1949 to work for the Greek Embassy Information Service.He joined the Central Intelligence Agency in 1951 and later became chief of the Psychological Warfare branch of the CIA's JM/WAVE station in Miami. In this role he worked closely with the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (DRE), a militant right-wing, anti-Communist, anti-Castro, anti-Kennedy, group. This was a group that Lee Harvey Oswald was in contact with in New Orleans in August 1963. Journalist Jefferson Morley says he knows of no evidence that Joannides was in contact with Oswald during this period.When John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Richard Helms appointed John M. Whitten to undertake the agency's in-house investigation. After talking to Winston Scott, the CIA station chief in Mexico City, Whitten discovered that Lee Harvey Oswald had been photographed at the Cuban consulate in early October, 1963. Nor had Scott told Whitten, his boss, that Oswald had also visited the Soviet Embassy in Mexico. In fact, Whitten had not been informed of the existence of Oswald, even though there was a 201 pre-assassination file on him that had been maintained by the Counterintelligence/Special Investigative Group.John M. Whitten and his staff of 30 officers, were sent a large amount of information from the FBI. According to Gerald D. McKnight "the FBI deluged his branch with thousands of reports containing bits and fragments of witness testimony that required laborious and time-consuming name checks." Whitten later described most of this FBI material as "weirdo stuff". As a result of this initial investigation, Whitten told Richard Helms that he believed that Oswald had acted alone in the assassination of John F. Kennedy.On 6th December, Nicholas Katzenbach invited Whitten and Birch O'Neal, Angleton's trusted deputy and senior Special Investigative Group (SIG) officer to read Commission Document 1 (CD1), the report that the FBI had written on Lee Harvey Oswald. Whitten now realized that the FBI had been withholding important information on Oswald from him. He also discovered that Richard Helms had not been providing him all of the agency's available files on Oswald. This included Oswald's political activities in the months preceding the assassination and the relationship Joannides had with the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil.Photograph that Shane O'Sullivan claims shows Gordon Campbell and George Joannides at the Ambassador Hotel on the night Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated. Journalist Jefferson Morley who uncovered the Joannides story - and the only known autheticated photos of Joannides - asserts emphatically and unequivocally that neither Gordon Campbell nor George Joannides are the men depicted in this photograph. Morley notes that Campbell died in 1962 and that there is no corroborated evidence that Joannides was in Los Angeles in June 1968.Photograph that Shane O'Sullivan claims shows Gordon Campbell and George Joannides at the Ambassador Hotel on the night Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated. Journalist Jefferson Morley who uncovered the Joannides story - and the only known autheticated photos of Joannides - asserts emphatically and unequivocally that neither Gordon Campbell nor George Joannides are the men depicted in this photograph. Morley notes that Campbell died in 1962 and that there is no corroborated evidence that Joannides was in Los Angeles in June 1968.John M. Whitten had a meeting where he argued that Oswald's pro-Castro political activities needed closer examination, especially his attempt to shoot the right-wing General Edwin Walker, his relationship with anti-Castro exiles in New Orleans, and his public support for the pro-Castro Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Whitten added that has he had been denied this information, his initial conclusions on the assassination were "completely irrelevant."Richard Helms responded by taking Whitten off the case. James Jesus Angleton, chief of the CIA's Counterintelligence Branch, was now put in charge of the investigation. According to Gerald D. McKnight (Breach of Trust) Angleton "wrested the CIA's in-house investigation away from John Whitten because he either was convinced or pretended to believe that the purpose of Oswald's trip to Mexico City had been to meet with his KGB handlers to finalize plans to assassinate Kennedy."George Joannides in Vietnam in 1973.In 1976 Thomas N. Downing began campaigning for a new investigation into the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Downing said he was certain that Kennedy had been killed as a result of a conspiracy. He believed that the recent deaths of Sam Giancana and Johnny Roselli were highly significant. He also believed that the Central Intelligence Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation had withheld important information from the Warren Commission. Downing was not alone in taking this view. In 1976, a Detroit News poll indicated that 87% of the American population did not believe that Lee Harvey Oswald was the lone gunman who killed Kennedy.Coretta Scott King, was also calling for her husband's murder to be looked at by a Senate Committee. It was suggested that there was more chance of success if these two investigations could be combined. Henry Gonzalez and Walter E. Fauntroy joined Downing in his campaign and in 1976 Congress voted to create a 12-member House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) to investigate the deaths of Kennedy and King.Joannides was appointed as the agency's liaison to the HSCA. The CIA did not reveal to the committee that Joannides had played an important role in the events of 1963. Some critics believe that Joannides was involved in a conspiracy to link Lee Harvey Oswald with the government of Fidel Castro.On 16th May, 1978, John M. Whitten appeared before the HSCA. He criticised Richard Helms for not making a full disclosure about the Rolando Cubela plot to the Warren Commission. He added " I think that was a morally highly reprehensible act, which he cannot possibly justify under his oath of office or any other standard of professional service."Whitten also said that if he had been allowed to continue with the investigation he would have sought out what was going on at JM/WAVE. This would have involved the questioning of Ted Shackley, David Sanchez Morales, Carl E. Jenkins, Rip Robertson, George Joannides, Gordon Campbell and Thomas G. Clines. As Jefferson Morley has pointed out in The Good Spy: "Had Whitten been permitted to follow these leads to their logical conclusions, and had that information been included in the Warren Commission report, that report would have enjoyed more credibility with the public. Instead, Whitten's secret testimony strengthened the HSCA's scathing critique of the C.I.A.'s half-hearted investigation of Oswald. The HSCA concluded that Kennedy had been killed by Oswald and unidentifiable co-conspirators."John M. Whitten also told the HSCA that James Jesus Angleton involvement in the investigation of the assassination of John F. Kennedy was "improper". Although he was placed in charge of the investigation by Richard Helms, Angleton "immediately went into action to do all the investigating". When Whitten complained to Helms about this he refused to act.Whitten believes that Angleton's attempts to sabotage the investigation was linked to his relationship with the Mafia. Whitten claims that Angleton also prevented a CIA plan to trace mob money to numbered accounts in Panama. Angleton told Whitten that this investigation should be left to the FBI. When Whitten mentioned this to a senior CIA official, he replied: "Well, that's Angleton's excuse. The real reason is that Angleton himself has ties to the Mafia and he would not want to double-cross them."Whitten also pointed out that as soon as Angleton took control of the investigation he concluded that Cuba was unimportant and focused his internal investigation on Oswald's life in the Soviet Union. If Whitten had remained in charge he would have "concentrated his attention on CIA's JM/WAVE station in Miami, Florida, to uncover what George Joannides, the station chief, and operatives from the SIG and SAS knew about Oswald."Joannides left the CIA in 1979. He began a law practice in Washington and apparently he specialized in immigration matters. George Joannides died in Houston in March 1990.It was only after his death that it was revealed that Joannides was in contact with Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (DRE) in 1963. G. Robert Blakey, chief counsel of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, was furious when he discovered this information. He issued a statement where he said: "I am no longer confident that the Central Intelligence Agency co-operated with the committee.... I was not told of Joannides' background with the DRE, a focal point of the investigation. Had I known who he was, he would have been a witness who would have been interrogated under oath by the staff or by the committee. He would never have been acceptable as a point of contact with us to retrieve documents. In fact, I have now learned, as I note above, that Joannides was the point of contact between the Agency and DRE during the period Oswald was in contact with DRE. That the Agency would put a 'material witness' in as a 'filter' between the committee and its quests for documents was a flat out breach of the understanding the committee had with the Agency that it would co-operate with the investigation."In recent years investigators into the assassination of John F. Kennedy such as G. Robert Blakey, Jefferson Morley, Anthony Summers, John McAdams, John M. Newman, David Kaiser, Michael Kurtz, Oliver Stone, David Talbot, Cyril H. Wecht, David R. Wrone and Gerald Posner have campaigned for the CIA to release the files concerning the activities of Joannides in 1963.In October, 2006, Judge Richard Leon upheld the CIA's right to block disclosure of records about Joannides's operational activities in August 1963. As Rex Bradford pointed out: "Judge Leon upheld the CIA's right to block disclosure of records about Joannides's operational activities in August 1963. That's when Joannides' agents in a Cuban exile student group had a series of encounters with accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald and used U.S. government funds to call attention to his pro-Castro activities."While researching a documentary, Shane O'Sullivan discovered a news film of the Ambassador Hotel on the day Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated. Bradley Ayers and other people who knew them, identified David Sanchez Morales, Gordon Campbell and George Joannides as being three men in the hotel that day. An article about this story appeared in The Guardian and on BBC Newsnight on 20th November, 2006.Journalist Jefferson Morley who uncovered the Joannides story - and the only known autheticated photos of Joannides - asserts emphatically and unequivocally that neither Gordon Campbell nor George Joannides are the men depicted in this photograph. Morley notes that Campbell died in 1962 and that there is no corroborated evidence that Joannides was in Los Angeles in June 1968.CONTINUED FROM # 37A IN 37B:
Bruce Patrick Brychek
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THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

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02.11.2017:THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 37B - CONTINUATION FROM # 37A:Assassination of John F. Kennedy Encyclopedia: By John Simkin (john@spartacus-educational.com) © September 1997 (updated August 2014).▲ Main Article ▲Primary Sources(1) Washington Post (14th March, 1990).George E. Joannides, 67, a retired lawyer at the Defense Department who later established a private law practice in Washington, died March 9 at St. Luke's Hospital in Houston, where he had undergone heart surgery.Mr. Joannides, Potomac resident, was born in Athens. He came to this country when he was 1 year old, and he grew up in New York City. He graduated from the City College of New York and received a law degree from St. John's University.Before moving to Washington in 1949 he worked for the National Herald, a Greek-language newspaper published in New York.In Washington, Mr. Joannides worked for the Greek Embassy Information Service for a year. In 1951, he went to work for the Defense Department. His assignments included service in Vietnam and Greece. He retired in 1979.When he left the government, Mr. Joannides began a law practice in Washington in which he specialized in immigration matters.(2) G. Robert Blakey statement on the Central Intelligence Agency in 2003.I am no longer confident that the Central Intelligence Agency co-operated with the committee. My reasons follow:The committee focused, among other things, on (1) Oswald, (2) in New Orleans, (3) in the months before he went to Dallas, and, in particular, (4) his attempt to infiltrate an anti-Castro group, the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil or DRE.These were crucial issues in the Warren Commission's investigation; they were crucial issues in the committee's investigation. The Agency knew it full well in 1964; the Agency knew it full well in 1976-79. Outrageously, the Agency did not tell the Warren Commission or our committee that it had financial and other connections with the DRE, a group that Oswald had direct dealings with!What contemporaneous reporting is or was in the Agency's DRE files? We will never know, for the Agency now says that no reporting is in the existing files. Are we to believe that its files were silent in 1964 or during our investigation?I don't believe it for a minute. Money was involved; it had to be documented. Period. End of story. The files and the Agency agents connected to the DRE should have been made available to the commission and the committee. That the information in the files and the agents who could have supplemented it were not made available to the commission and the committee amounts to willful obstruction of justice.Obviously, too, it did not identify the agent who was its contact with the DRE at the crucial time that Oswald was in contact with it: George Joannides.During the relevant period, the committee's chief contact with the Agency on a day-to-day basis was Scott Breckinridge. (I put aside our point of contact with the office of chief counsel, Lyle Miller) We sent researchers to the Agency to request and read documents. The relationship between our young researchers, law students who came with me from Cornell, was anything but "happy." Nevertheless, we were getting and reviewing documents. Breckinridge, however, suggested that he create a new point of contact person who might "facilitate" the process of obtaining and reviewing materials. He introduced me to Joannides, who, he said, he had arranged to bring out of retirement to help us. He told me that he had experience in finding documents; he thought he would be of help to us.I was not told of Joannides' background with the DRE, a focal point of the investigation. Had I known who he was, he would have been a witness who would have been interrogated under oath by the staff or by the committee. He would never have been acceptable as a point of contact with us to retrieve documents. In fact, I have now learned, as I note above, that Joannides was the point of contact between the Agency and DRE during the period Oswald was in contact with DRE.That the Agency would put a "material witness" in as a "filter" between the committee and its quests for documents was a flat out breach of the understanding the committee had with the Agency that it would co-operate with the investigation.The committee's researchers immediately complained to me that Joannides was, in fact, not facilitating but obstructing our obtaining of documents. I contacted Breckinridge and Joannides. Their side of the story wrote off the complaints to the young age and attitude of the people.They were certainly right about one question: the committee's researchers did not trust the Agency. Indeed, that is precisely why they were in their positions. We wanted to test the Agency's integrity. I wrote off the complaints. I was wrong; the researchers were right. I now believe the process lacked integrity precisely because of Joannides.For these reasons, I no longer believe that we were able to conduct an appropriate investigation of the Agency and its relationship to Oswald. Anything that the Agency told us that incriminated, in some fashion, the Agency may well be reliable as far as it goes, but the truth could well be that it materially understates the matter.What the Agency did not give us none but those involved in the Agency can know for sure. I do not believe any denial offered by the Agency on any point. The law has long followed the rule that if a person lies to you on one point, you may reject all of his testimony.I now no longer believe anything the Agency told the committee any further than I can obtain substantial corroboration for it from outside the Agency for its veracity. We now know that the Agency withheld from the Warren Commission the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro. Had the commission known of the plots, it would have followed a different path in its investigation. The Agency unilaterally deprived the commission of a chance to obtain the full truth, which will now never be known.Significantly, the Warren Commission's conclusion that the agencies of the government cooperated with it is, in retrospect, not the truth.We also now know that the Agency set up a process that could only have been designed to frustrate the ability of the committee in 1976-79 to obtain any information that might adversely affect the Agency.Many have told me that the culture of the Agency is one of prevarication and dissimulation and that you cannot trust it or its people. Period. End of story.I am now in that camp.(3) Gerald D. McKnight, Breach of Trust (2005)One of the most closely held of Helms's secrets had to do with George E. Joannides, the JM/Wave contact officer for the DRE in 1963. Helms never revealed that the CIA was funding the directorate when the DRE had contact with Oswald, who was publicly agitating in favor of the Castro revolution in New Orleans during the months of July and August. Joannides probably knew more about Oswald and his relationship with the DRE and other anti Castro exile groups in New Orleans than anyone else in the government. It was Helms who assigned Joannides to the CIA's Miami station because he was skilled in psychological warfare and disinformation operations. It was Helms who assigned veteran clandestine officer John Whitten to head up the CIA's in-house investigation of the Kennedy assassination and then withheld from him important information from Oswald's pre assassination file. When Whitten protested, Helms removed him and turned the investigation over to Angleton. It might have been just another awkward coincidence that David Atlee Phillips, the DRE's first contact officer, was chief of covert action in the Cuban Section of the CIA's Mexico City station when Oswald arrived in Mexico City in September 1963."Thomas Powers's biography of Richard Helms, The Man Who Kept the Secrets, could not have had a more fitting title. Helms kept Joannides and his DRE connections secret through four investigations into the Kennedy assassination." Joannides's name did not publicly surface until the 1990s, when the so-called JFK Act led to the establishment of the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB). Over a four-year period the ARRB, empowered to declassify JFK files, dislodged somewhere between four and five million pages of declassified documents. Joannides's record was one of those files, and his personnel records revealed that he had been the DRE's contact officer when the CIA claimed it had no contact with the directorate in 1963. But his file was purged, according to the Washington Post's Jefferson Morley, who is the researcher responsible for introducing Joannides into the historiography of the JFK assassination. Morley described the file as "thin." There were no reports in the Joannides file for the entire seventeen months that he was the DRE's contact officer. All that his personnel file revealed is that Joannides was paying the directorate for "intelligence" and "propaganda." John Tunheim, now a federal judge in Minneapolis, chaired the ARRB. After reviewing all the CIA suppression and stonewalling surrounding the Joannides story, Tunheim remarked to Morley, "[This] shows that the CIA wasn't interested in the truth about the assassination.All the indicators strongly point toward Oswald having been connected to an American intelligence source. There is persuasive circumstantial evidence that Oswald was building a pro-Castro cover as part of an intelligence plan that ultimately took him to Mexico City. What we know today of his activities in Mexico City far exceeds what the Warren Commission chose to include in its report, out of design but more significantly because the CIA saw to it that the evidence was not available to the Commission and its staff lawyers.(4) Letter signed by a group of authors including G. Robert Blakey, Anthony Summers, John McAdams, Gerald Posner, in the New York Review of Books (18th December, 2003)As published authors of divergent views on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, we urge the Central Intelligence Agency and the Department of Defense to observe the spirit and letter of the 1992 JFK Assassination Records Act by releasing all relevant records on the activities of a career CIA operations officer named George E. Joannides, who died in 1990.Joannides's service to the US government is a matter of public record and is relevant to the Kennedy assassination story. In November 1963, Joannides served as the chief of the Psychological Warfare branch in the CIA's Miami station. In 1978, he served as the CIA's liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA).The records concerning George Joannides meet the legal definition of "assassination-related" JFK records that must be "immediately" released under the JFK Records Act. They are assassination-related because of contacts between accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald and a CIA-sponsored Cuban student group that Joannides guided and monitored in August 1963.Declassified portions of Joannides's personnel file confirm his responsibility in August 1963 for reporting on the "propaganda" and "intelligence collection" activities of the Directorio Revolucionario Estudantil (DRE), a prominent organization known in the North American press as the Cuban Student Directorate.George Joannides's activities were assassination-related in at least two ways.(1) In August 1963, Oswald attempted to infiltrate the New Orleans delegation of the DRE. The delegation - dependent on $25,000 a month in CIA funds provided by Joannides - publicly denounced Oswald as an unscrupulous sympathizer of Fidel Castro.(2) After Kennedy was killed three months later, on November 22, 1963, DRE members spoke to reporters from The New York Times and other news outlets, detailing Oswald's pro-Castro activities. Within days of the assassination, the DRE published allegations that Oswald had acted on Castro's behalf.The imperative of disclosure is heightened by the fact that the CIA has, in the past, failed to disclose George Joannides's activities. In 1978, Joannides was called out of retirement to serve as the agency's liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. The agency did not reveal to the Congress his role in the events of 1963, compromising the committee's investigation.(5) Letter signed by a group of authors including G. Robert Blakey, Anthony Summers, John McAdams, Gerald Posner, John M. Newman, David Kaiser, Michael Kurtz, Oliver Stone, David Talbot, Cyril H. Wecht, David R. Wrone in the New York Review of Books (11th August, 2005).It is disappointing to learn that the Central Intelligence Agency filed motions in federal court in May 2005 to block disclosure of records related to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy forty-one years ago.In response to the journalist Jefferson Morley's lawsuit brought under the Freedom of Information Act, the CIA is seek-ing to prevent release of records about a deceased CIA operations officer named George E. Joannides.Joannides's story is clearly of substantial historical interest. CIA records show that the New Orleans chapter of a Cuban exile group that Joannides guided and monitored in Miami had a series of encounters with the accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald three months before Kennedy was murdered. Fifteen years later, Joannides also served as the agency's liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. He did not disclose his role in the events of 1963 to Congress. The public record of the assassination and its confused investigatory aftermath will not be complete without his story.The spirit of the law is clear. The JFK Records Act of 1992, approved unanimously by Congress, mandated that all assassination-related records be reviewed and disclosed "immediately."When Morley filed his lawsuit in December 2003, thirteen published JFK authors supported his request for the records in an open letter to The New York Review of Books.Eighteen months later, the CIA is still stonewalling. The agency now acknowledges that it possesses an undisclosed number of documents related to Joannides's actions and responsibilities in 1963 which it will not release in any form. Thus records related to Kennedy's assassination are still being hidden for reasons of "national security."As published authors of divergent views on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, we say the agency's position is spurious and untenable. Its continuing non-compliance with the JFK Records Act does no service to the public. It defies the will of Congress. It obscures the public record on a subject of enduring national interest. It encourages conspiracy mongering. And it undermines public confidence in the intelligence community at a time when collective security requires the opposite.We insist the CIA observe the spirit of the 1992 JFK Assassination Records Act by immediately releasing all relevant records on the activities of George Joannides and any records at all that include his name or relate in any way to the assassination story - as prescribed by the JFK Records Act. The law and common sense require it.G. Robert Blakey , former general counsel, House Select Committee on AssassinationsJefferson Morley, journalistScott Armstrong, founder National Security ArchiveVincent Bugliosi, author and former prosecutorElias Demetracopoulos, retired journalistStephen Dorril, University of HuddersfieldDon DeLillo, author of LibraPaul Hoch, JFK researcherDavid Kaiser, Naval War CollegeMichael Kurtz, Southeastern Louisiana University, author of Crime of the CenturyGeorge Lardner, Jr., journalistJim Lesar, Assassination Archives and Research CenterNorman Mailer, author of Oswald's TaleJohn McAdams, moderator, alt.assassination.jfkJohn Newman, author of Oswald and the CIAGerald Posner, author of Case ClosedOliver Stone, director JFKAnthony Summers, author of Not in Your LifetimeRobbyn Swan, authorDavid Talbot, founding editor, Salon.comCyril Wecht, former coroner, Alleghany County, PARichard Whalen, author of Founding FatherGordon Winslow, former archivist of Dade County, Florida.David Wrone, University of Wisconsin, Stevens Point, author The Zapruder Film(6) Jefferson Morley, The George Joannides Coverup (19th May, 2005).People interested in the JFK story will be interested to know that the CIA is due to file papers in court tomorrorow, May 20, to block release of certain JFK assassination-related documents.The records in question concern a deceased CIA officer named George Joannides. At the time of Kennedy's death, Joannides was the Chief of Psychological Warfare branch of the Agency's JM/WAVE station in Miami.Among his primary responsibilities were guiding, monitoring and financing the Revolutionary Cuban Student Directorate or DRE, one of the largest and most effective anti-Castro groups in the United States. CIA records show, and the group's former leaders confirm, that Joannides provided them with up $18-25,000 per month while insisting they submit to CIA discipline. Joannides, in his job evaluation of 31 July 1963, was credited with having established control over the group.Five day later, Lee Harvey Oswald wandered into the DRE's New Orleans delegation, setting off a string of encounters between the pro-Castro ex-Marine and the anti-Castro exiles. Members of the DRE confronted Oswald on a street corner. They stared him down in a courtroom. They sent a DRE member to Oswald's house posing a Castro supporter. They challenged him to a debate on the radio. They made a tape of the debate which was later sent to Joannides. And they issued a press release calling for a congressional investigation of the thoroughly obscure Oswald. This, at a time, when the DRE had been warned to clear its public statements with the Agency.What, if anything, Joannides made of the encounters between his assets in the DRE and the future accused assassin is unknown. Former leaders of the DRE are divided on the question.Within an hour of Oswald's arrest on Nov. 22, 1963, the DRE leaders in Miami went public with their documentation of Oswald's pro-Castro ways, thus shaping early press coverage of the accused assasssin. Joannides told the group to take their information to the FBI.Joannides connection to Oswald's antagonists was not disclosed to the Warren Commission.In 1978, Joannides was called out of retirement to serve as CIA liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Joanndides did not disclose his role in the events of 1963 to investigators. HSCA general counsel Bob Blakey says that Joannides's actions constituted obstruction of Congress, a felony. Joannides's support for the DRE was uncovered by the Assassination Records Review Board in 1998. Joannides died in 1991.I filed suit against the CIA in December 2003 seeking records of Joannides's activities in 1963 and 1978. In December 2004, the CIA gave me about 150 pages of heavily redacted and obviously incomplete records from Joannides's personnel file. The Agency informed me that it retains an unspecified number of records about Joannides actions that it will not release IN ANY FORM.Thus JFK assassination records are kept secret in 2005 in the name of "national security."The records that CIA gave me are not reassuring. They show that Joannides travelled to New Orleans in connection with his CIA duties in 1963-64. They also show that he was cleared for two highly sensitive operations in December 1962 and June 1963. The nature of these operations is unknown.It would be premature and foolish to speculate on what George Joannnides was doing in New Orleans in 1963. What is certain is that he had a professional obligation to report on the activities of the DRE in August and November 1963, especially as they related to Oswald. The CIA is legally obliged to make such records public. Instead, they are stonewalling in court. This is a disappointing, if not disturbing.I am interested in hearing from JFK researchers willing to publicly support a call to Congress to enforce the JFK Records Act. I know that the Joannides records are not the only assassination-related material that is being illicitly withheld so I am also interested in hearing from researchers about specific groups of records, known to exist, that have not been released.Whatever one's interpretation of November 22, 1963, I think we can all agree that these records should be made public immediately.(7) Rex Bradford, Mary Ferrell Foundation, George Joannides Ruling (2nd October, 2006)Oct 2, 2006: Jefferson Morley's lawsuit to obtain CIA records of officer George Joannides was dismissed last Friday by Judge Richard Leon (see judge's opinion). Joannides was the former chief of anti-Castro psychological warfare operations in Miami in 1963, which included oversight of the DRE, the Cuban exile group whose members knew Lee Harvey Oswald in New Orleans. For background on the Joannides story, see our Unredacted interview with journalist Jeff Morley (pictured at left) and AARC President Jim Lesar.Judge Leon upheld the CIA's right to block disclosure of records about Joannides's operational activities in August 1963. That's when Joannides' agents in a Cuban exile student group had a series of encounters with accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald and used U.S. government funds to call attention to his pro-Castro activities.At the time, CIA records show that Joannides was guiding and monitoring the Cuban Student Directorate and providing it with up to $25,000 a month. When JFK investigators later questioned Joannides about his knowledge of Oswald and the events of 1963, he stonewalled. In fact, the CIA had placed him in a position as liaison with the House Select Committee on Assassinations, without informing them of Joannides' prior role. When G. Robert Blakey, the House Committee's Chief Counsel, learned of this recently, he wrote a scathing response which begins: "I am no longer confident that the Central Intelligence Agency co-operated with the committee."The dismissal of the Morley lawsuit shows that, with the demise of the Assassination Records Review Board, there is a problematic lack of enforcement of the JFK Assassination Records Collection Act.(8) Shane O'Sullivan, Did the CIA kill Bobby Kennedy?, The Guardian (20th November, 2006)At first, it seems an open-and-shut case. On June 5 1968, Robert Kennedy wins the California Democratic primary and is set to challenge Richard Nixon for the White House. After midnight, he finishes his victory speech at the Ambassador hotel in Los Angeles and is shaking hands with kitchen staff in a crowded pantry when 24-year-old Palestinian Sirhan Sirhan steps down from a tray-stacker with a "sick, villainous smile" on his face and starts firing at Kennedy with an eight-shot revolver.As Kennedy lies dying on the pantry floor, Sirhan is arrested as the lone assassin. He carries the motive in his shirt-pocket (a clipping about Kennedy's plans to sell bombers to Israel) and notebooks at his house seem to incriminate him. But the autopsy report suggests Sirhan could not have fired the shots that killed Kennedy. Witnesses place Sirhan's gun several feet in front of Kennedy, but the fatal bullet is fired from one inch behind. And more bullet-holes are found in the pantry than Sirhan's gun can hold, suggesting a second gunman is involved. Sirhan's notebooks show a bizarre series of "automatic writing" - "RFK must die RFK must be killed - Robert F Kennedy must be assassinated before 5 June 68" - and even under hypnosis, he has never been able to remember shooting Kennedy. He recalls "being led into a dark place by a girl who wanted coffee", then being choked by an angry mob. Defence psychiatrists conclude he was in a trance at the time of the shooting and leading psychiatrists suggest he may have be a hypnotically programmed assassin.Three years ago, I started writing a screenplay about the assassination of Robert Kennedy, caught up in a strange tale of second guns and "Manchurian candidates" (as the movie termed brainwashed assassins). As I researched the case, I uncovered new video and photographic evidence suggesting that three senior CIA operatives were behind the killing. I did not buy the official ending that Sirhan acted alone, and started dipping into the nether-world of "assassination research", crossing paths with David Sanchez Morales, a fearsome Yaqui Indian.Morales was a legendary figure in CIA covert operations. According to close associate Tom Clines, if you saw Morales walking down the street in a Latin American capital, you knew a coup was about to happen. When the subject of the Kennedys came up in a late-night session with friends in 1973, Morales launched into a tirade that finished: "I was in Dallas when we got the son of a bitch and I was in Los Angeles when we got the little bastard." From this line grew my odyssey into the spook world of the 60s and the secrets behind the death of Bobby Kennedy.Working from a Cuban photograph of Morales from 1959, I viewed news coverage of the assassination to see if I could spot the man the Cubans called El Gordo - The Fat One. Fifteen minutes in, there he was, standing at the back of the ballroom, in the moments between the end of Kennedy's speech and the shooting. Thirty minutes later, there he was again, casually floating around the darkened ballroom while an associate with a pencil moustache took notes.The source of early research on Morales was Bradley Ayers, a retired US army captain who had been seconded to JM-Wave, the CIA's Miami base in 1963, to work closely with chief of operations Morales on training Cuban exiles to run sabotage raids on Castro. I tracked Ayers down to a small town in Wisconsin and emailed him stills of Morales and another guy I found suspicious - a man who is pictured entering the ballroom from the direction of the pantry moments after the shooting, clutching a small container to his body, and being waved towards an exit by a Latin associate.Ayers' response was instant. He was 95% sure that the first figure was Morales and equally sure that the other man was Gordon Campbell, who worked alongside Morales at JM-Wave in 1963 and was Ayers' case officer shortly before the JFK assassination.I put my script aside and flew to the US to interview key witnesses for a documentary on the unfolding story. In person, Ayers positively identified Morales and Campbell and introduced me to David Rabern, a freelance operative who was part of the Bay of Pigs invasion force in 1961 and was at the Ambassador hotel that night. He did not know Morales and Campbell by name but saw them talking to each other out in the lobby before the shooting and assumed they were Kennedy's security people. He also saw Campbell around police stations three or four times in the year before Robert Kennedy was shot.This was odd. The CIA had no domestic jurisdiction and Morales was stationed in Laos in 1968. With no secret service protection for presidential candidates in those days, Kennedy was guarded by unarmed Olympic decathlete champion Rafer Johnson and football tackler Rosey Grier - no match for an expert assassination team.Trawling through microfilm of the police investigation, I found further photographs of Campbell with a third figure, standing centre-stage in the Ambassador hotel hours before the shooting. He looked Greek, and I suspected he might be George Joannides, chief of psychological warfare operations at JM-Wave. Joannides was called out of retirement in 1978 to act as the CIA liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) investigating the death of John F Kennedy.Ed Lopez, now a respected lawyer at Cornell University, came into close contact with Joann-des when he was a young law student working for the committee. We visit him and show him the photograph and he is 99% sure it is Joannides. When I tell him where it was taken, he is not surprised: "If these guys decided you were bad, they acted on it.We move to Washington to meet Wayne Smith, a state department official for 25 years who knew Morales well at the US embassy in Havana in 1959-60. When we show him the video in the ballroom, his response is instant: "That's him, that's Morales." He remembers Morales at a cocktail party in Buenos Aires in 1975, saying Kennedy got what was coming to him. Is there a benign explanation for his presence? For Kennedy's security, maybe? Smith laughs. Morales is the last person you would want to protect Bobby Kennedy, he says. He hated the Kennedys, blaming their lack of air support for the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961.We meet Clines in a hotel room near CIA headquarters. He does not want to go on camera and brings a friend, which is a little unnerving. Clines remembers "Dave" fondly. The guy in the video looks like Morales but it is not him, he says: "This guy is fatter and Morales walked with more of a slouch and his tie down." To me, the guy in the video does walk with a slouch and his tie is down.Clines says he knew Joannides and Campbell and it is not them either, but he fondly remembers Ayers bringing snakes into JM-Wave to scare the secretaries and seems disturbed at Smith's identification of Morales. He does not discourage our investigation and suggests others who might be able to help. A seasoned journalist cautions that he would expect Clines "to blow smoke", and yet it seems his honest opinion.As we leave Los Angeles, I tell the immigration officer that I am doing a story on Bobby Kennedy. She has seen the advertisements for the new Emilio Estevez movie about the assassination, Bobby. "Who do you think did it? I think it was the Mob," she says before I can answer."I definitely think it was more than one man," I say, discreetly.Morales died of a heart attack in 1978, weeks before he was to be called before the HSCA. Joannides died in 1990. Campbell may still be out there somewhere, in his early 80s. Given the positive identifications we have gathered on these three, the CIA and the Los Angeles Police Department need to explain what they were doing there. Lopez believes the CIA should call in and interview everybody who knew them, disclose whether they were on a CIA operation and, if not, why they were there that night.Today would have been Robert Kennedy's 81st birthday. The world is crying out for a compassionate leader like him. If dark forces were behind his elimination, it needs to be investigated.(9) David Talbot & Jefferson Morley, The BBC's Flawed RFK Story (July, 2007)On November 20, 2006 - the day that would have been Robert Kennedy's eighty-first birthday -- the BBC program Newsnight aired a startling report alleging that three CIA operatives were caught on camera at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles on the night of Kennedy's assassination. The story suggested that they were involved in his killing. The BBC broadcast, produced by filmmaker Shane O'Sullivan, identified the three CIA operatives as George Joannides, David Morales and Gordon Campbell. All three were known to have worked for the Agency in Miami in the early 1960s when the White House ordered up a massive, not-so-secret effort to overthrow Fidel Castro's communist government in Cuba...We spent six weeks interviewing dozens of people from Washington DC to Florida to California and Arizona who knew Joannides, Morales and Campbell at different times in their lives. We spoke with former CIA colleagues, retired State Department officials, personal friends and family members...Several people who had worked with Joannides over the years said the man in the Ambassador Hotel photograph was identical to the man they knew. But other former colleagues disagreed, as did relatives and close friends. Helen Charles, widow of Greek Embassy spokesman George Charles who was one of Joannides' closest personal friends in Washington for four decades, said the man in the BBC photo was not Joannides. "That's not George," said Mitzi Natsios, widow of a fellow Greek-American CIA colleague who knew Joannides well. Robert and Louise Keeley, a retired State Department officer and his wife, who worked and socialized with Joannides in Greece in 1965-68, also said they did not recognize the man depicted in the BBC report. "That is not my uncle, I can tell you that," said Timothy Kalaris, a nephew of Joannides who lives in the Washington area. "I don't know how anybody who ever knew him could say that's him." Photographs of Joannides, whose picture has never been published before, show him at a June 1973 CIA party in Saigon where he served as chief of political action operations. Joannides wears glasses as did the man in the BBC report but he has a more pointed jaw, larger ears, a different hairline, and a more olive complexion. The CIA also declined to release Joannides’ travel records. Most likely he was in Athens in June 1968.(10) Jefferson Morley, The Man Who Did Not Talk (November, 2007)Perhaps the single most intriguing story to emerge from the JFK files concerns a career CIA officer named George Joannides. He died in 1990 at age 67, taking his JFK secrets to the grave in suburban Washington. His role in the events leading up to Kennedy's death and its confused investigatory aftermath goes utterly unmentioned in the vast literature of JFK's assassination. Vincent Bugliosi's otherwise impressive 1,600 page book debunking every JFK conspiracy theory known to man mentions him only in an inaccurate footnote. In 1998, the Agency declassified a handful of annual personnel evaluations that revealed Joannides was involved in the JFK assassination story, both before and after the event.In November 1963, Joannides was serving as the chief of psychological warfare operations in the CIA's Miami station. The purpose of psychological warfare, as authorized by U.S. policymakers, was to confuse and confound the government of Fidel Castro, so to hasten its replacement by a government more congenial to Washington. The first revelation was that Joannides had agents in a leading Cuban student exile group, an operation code-named AMSPELL in CIA files. These agents had a series of close encounters with Oswald three months before JFK was killed.The second revelation was that the CIA's Miami assets helped shape the public's understanding of Kennedy's assassination by identifying the suspected assassin as a Castro supporter right from the start.The third revelation, the one that is most shocking, is that when Congress reopened the JFK probe in 1978, Joannides served as the CIA's liaison to the investigators. His job was to provide files and information to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. But far from being a helpful source and conduit, Joannides stonewalled. He did not disclose his role in the events of 1963, even when asked direct questions about the AMSPELL operation he handled.When the story of the Joannides file emerged, former HSCA chief counsel G. Robert Blakey was stunned by the audacity of Joannides's deception. Blakey, a former federal prosecutor, thought the Agency had cooperated with Congress's effort to look into JFK's murder. Twenty-three years later he learned that the CIA bureaucrat ostensibly assisting his staff was actually a material witness in the investigation. "The Agency set me up," reported the Washington Post.Blakey, now a law professor at Notre Dame, says Joannides's actions were "little short of outrageous. You could make a prima facie case that it amounted to obstruction of Congress, which is a felony."Blakey has long argued that organized crime figures orchestrated Kennedy's assassination. The revelation of Joannides's unknown role has given him second thoughts about the CIA's credibility."You can't really infer from the Joannides story that they [the CIA] did it," he says. "Maybe he was hiding something that is not complicitous in a plot but merely embarrassing. It certainly undermines everything that they have said about JFK's assassination."In November 1963, Joannides was serving as the chief of psychological warfare operations in the CIA's Miami station. The purpose of psychological warfare, as authorized by U.S. policymakers, was to confuse and confound the government of Fidel Castro, so to hasten its replacement by a government more congenial to Washington. The first revelation was that Joannides had agents in a leading Cuban student exile group, an operation code-named AMSPELL in CIA files. These agents had a series of close encounters with Oswald three months before JFK was killed.The second revelation was that the CIA's Miami assets helped shape the public's understanding of Kennedy's assassination by identifying the suspected assassin as a Castro supporter right from the start.The third revelation, the one that is most shocking, is that when Congress reopened the JFK probe in 1978, Joannides served as the CIA's liaison to the investigators. His job was to provide files and information to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. But far from being a helpful source and conduit, Joannides stonewalled. He did not disclose his role in the events of 1963, even when asked direct questions about the AMSPELL operation he handled.When the story of the Joannides file emerged, former HSCA chief counsel G. Robert Blakey was stunned by the audacity of Joannides's deception. Blakey, a former federal prosecutor, thought the Agency had cooperated with Congress's effort to look into JFK's murder. Twenty-three years later he learned that the CIA bureaucrat ostensibly assisting his staff was actually a material witness in the investigation. "The Agency set me up," reported the Washington Post.Blakey, now a law professor at Notre Dame, says Joannides's actions were "little short of outrageous. You could make a prima facie case that it amounted to obstruction of Congress, which is a felony."Blakey has long argued that organized crime figures orchestrated Kennedy's assassination. The revelation of Joannides's unknown role has given him second thoughts about the CIA's credibility."You can't really infer from the Joannides story that they [the CIA] did it," he says. "Maybe he was hiding something that is not complicitous in a plot but merely embarrassing. It certainly undermines everything that they have said about JFK's assassination.""We are going to kill Castro"In July 1963, George Efythron Joannides turned 41 years old. He was a 10-year veteran of the clandestine service who presented himself as a lawyer for the Defense Department. He dressed well, spoke several languages and enjoyed the confidence of CIA Deputy Director Richard Helms. In his cables, he was identified as "Walter Newby." To his Cuban friends in Miami he was "Howard" or "Mr. Howard."Joannides's chief job responsibility in 1963 was handling AMSPELL, a program of CIA support for the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil, also known as the Cuban Student Directorate. By 1962, the DRE was perhaps the single biggest and most active organization opposing Fidel Castro's regime. In Miami, Joannides was giving the leaders of the group up to $25,000 a month in cash for what he described as "intelligence collection" and "propaganda."In August 1963, the DRE's New Orleans chapter had taken a vocal and very public interest in an itinerant ex-Marine named Lee Harvey Oswald because of his blatantly pro-Castro politicking. Oswald was 23 years old, an erratic but street-smart schemer who knew how to make his way in the world. He lived in the Soviet Union for a couple of years and was married to a Russian woman, the former Marina Prusakova. He wrote letters to left-wing political organizations and drifted from job to job. And then in early August 1963 he attempted to infiltrate the DRE.Oswald approached Carlos Bringuier, a 29-year-old lawyer who served as the group's spokesman in the Crescent City. Oswald offered to help train DRE commandos to fight the communist government in Cuba. A few days later, when the DRE boys saw him on a street corner passing out pamphlets for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC), a notoriously pro-Castro group, they picked a fight with him.Bringuier took an interest in Oswald. He directed a DRE member to go to Oswald's house and pose as a Castro supporter to learn more about his background. Bringuier also debated Oswald on a local radio program, and sent a tape of the debate to DRE's Miami headquarters. He also sent one of Oswald's FPCC pamphlets. Bringuier went so far as to issue a press release on Oswald, calling for a congressional investigation of the then-obscure ex-Marine. "Write to your congressman for a full investigation on Mr. Lee H. Oswald, a confessed 'Marxist,'" the DRE spokesman wrote on August 21, 1963.Did George Joannides of the CIA ignore Bringuier's prescient and potentially life-saving call for investigating Oswald? Bringuier, now retired and living in Texas, refused to be interviewed for this article. He said he never received money from the CIA and said he did not know Joannides or "Howard." But other DRE members were more forthcoming."He definitely knew about what we we're doing with Oswald," says Isidro Borja, a Miami businessman who was active in the DRE in 1963. "That was what he was giving us the money for -- for information we had."To get a flavor of the dangerous psychological warfare that George Joannides was waging at that time take a look at the cover of See, a men's magazine from the fall of 1963. "The CIA Needs Men -- Can You Qualify?" asked one headline. Next to this recruitment pitch was a poster, "Wanted Dead or Alive: Fidel Castro for Crimes Against Humanity." The article inside, bearing a byline of a DRE member, was headlined "We are going to kill Castro." In the article, the group announced it was offering a $10 million reward "for the death of the Cuban tyrant."(11) Jefferson Morley, The Man Who Did Not Talk (November, 2007)Now let us put the crime scene in a larger context, the context of CIA intelligence gathering and psychological warfare operations in late 1963. Let us return now to the man who didn't talk.What was George Joannides's reaction to Oswald's appearance at the Dallas scene?"We called him right away," says Tony Lanuza, a Miami businessman who was active in Cuban politics in 1963. He served as the coordinator for the far-flung delegations of the Cuban Student Directorate. When he and his friends heard that a man named Oswald had been arrested for killing Kennedy, Lanuza immediately recalled the confrontations between Carlos Bringuier and the obnoxious interloper from the Fair Play for Cuba Committee the previous August. They rushed to the Directorate's headquarters in South Miami, where someone called their CIA contact to inform him the group had evidence about the communistic ways of Kennedy's killer.Joannides's first impulse was to consult with his superiors, two months before the DRE was recruiting assassins to kill Castro. What did they know about Oswald was one question that an intelligence officer might want answered."He told us to wait an hour," Lanuza recalls. "He had to consult with Washington."The DRE started calling reporters anyway with the scoop on Kennedy's killer. He was a communist and a Castro supporter. A headline in the DRE's newspaper the next day described Oswald and Castro as "the presumed assassins." When Joannides called back, he told them to take their evidence to the FBI.The CIA man apparently did not investigate Oswald's Cuban contacts. No former DRE leader can recall any conversations with Joannides about the accused assassin. Joannides did not account for the contacts between the AMSPELL network and the accused assassin, at least not according to the available CIA records. His role as sponsor of Oswald's Cuban antagonists was not disclosed to the Warren Commission. He preserved the U.S. government's ability to "plausibly deny" any connection to the Cuban students who publicized Oswald's pro-Castro ways.All the while, the DRE leaders continued to feed JFK information to Joannides. The group's records from early 1964 include several memos to CIA contact "Howard" about Jack Ruby's Cuban connections. From New Orleans, Carlos Bringuier sent a report about the ongoing Warren Commission investigation there. That too was passed to Joannides.On April 1, 1964, the Warren Commission sent Carlos Bringuier a letter informing him that a commission staff would be contacting him soon about taking his testimony about the DRE and Oswald. According to a CIA travel form made public in 2004, Joannides, the DRE's case officer and an attorney, traveled from Miami to New Orleans that same day for unknown reasons.For the rest of his career, Joannides would be commended for his actions around events related to the Kennedy assassination.In May 1964, his bosses praised him as a "hard-working, dedicated and effective officer" with a flair for political action operations. His annual job evaluation made no mention of the fact that his AMSPELL assets had tried and failed to call attention to the man who apparently killed Kennedy or that his young friends in the DRE were using agency funds to allege that Oswald acted at Castro's behest. Joannides received the highest possible marks for his service in 1963.He went on to serve in Athens, Saigon and CIA headquarters. In 1979, after Joannides stonewalled congressional investigators about his knowledge of Oswald he received praise from CIA director Stansfield Turner and other top agency officials. "He was the perfect man for the job," said one.Two years ago, the CIA acknowledged in a court filing that Joannides had received an even greater honor upon retirement. In March 1981, he received the Career Intelligence Medal, bestowed for "career contributions" to the Agency.Why Joannides was honored after his Oswald cover-up remains a secret -- for reasons of "national security." In September 2006 federal judge Richard Leon upheld the CIA's arguments in a Freedom of Information lawsuit that it did not have to release the JFK material in Joannides's file. The National Archives then requested the Joannides files from the Agency earlier this year. As of late October 2007, the CIA was still resisting disclosure.So what can one safely and reliably conclude about the JFK story today?On the crime scene evidence, reasonable people will differ. To me, the single bullet theory, the forensic linchpin of all arguments for Oswald's sole guilt, has lost scientific validity in the past decade via both Pat Grant and Erik Randich's ballistics analysis and via the sworn testimony of FBI agents Sibert and O'Neill.The JFK medical evidence is much less trustworthy than was known a decade ago. Photographs have been culled from the collection. Multiple new witnesses say independently and under oath that Kennedy's body and wounds were cleaned up before being photographed for the record. Any indictment of Oswald based on the medical evidence of Kennedy's wounds has been undermined.The acoustic evidence remains in dispute. In my view, it has not been disqualified until an alternative explanation for the order in the data is confirmed.The new JFK forensic science, in short, has narrowed the limits of plausible conjecture by eliminating the single bullet theory as an explanation of Kennedy and Connally's wounds and by not eliminating the possibility that the fatal shot was fired from the grassy knoll.The best minds in forensic science might be able to clarify things, Pat Grant told me in an e-mail following our interview. Grant admitted that he and probably most other experts in the most advanced forensic techniques are not up to date on the acoustic evidence and other JFK evidentiary specimens."The evidence should be viewed and examined by a select group of forensic scientists, by invitation only, that best represents the most advanced forensic methods possible today," Grant wrote, adding, "These cannot be encompassed solely by the practices of today's criminalistics labs." He proposed these scientists prepare "a summary report detailing prioritized recommendations for ensuing analyses, their estimations for success of each recommended analysis and the anticipated information to be gained from each."As for the new JFK evidence from CIA archives, that too awaits clarification. Some of the most basic questions about George Joannides -- what did he know about Oswald and when did he know it? -- cannot be answered as long as the Agency withholds his files from public view. The CIA's insistence, 44 years later, that it cannot declassify those files for reasons of "national security," not only encourages the notion the Agency is still hiding something significant, it also reminds us of the infuriating truth. When it comes to the JFK story we know a lot more than we did a decade ago: We know we still don't have the full story.
Bruce Patrick Brychek
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THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

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02.11.2017:THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 38:SPECIAL NOTE: (AFTER 54 YEARS THE JFK RESEARCH COMMUNITY HAS FAILED TO CONNECT THE INTER-WORKINGS AND RELATIONSHIP OF JAMES JESUS ANGLETON, GEORGE E. JOANNIDES, RICHARD HELMS, and LEE HARVEY OSWALD. INSTEAD THE MAJORITY OF THEM SPEND THEIR ENERGY, EFFORT, AND TIME LIKE ARM CHAIR RESEARCHERS CHASING THEIR TAILS AND TALES. 02.11.2017. BB.)22 November 1963: An Introduction to the JFK Assassination: Home Did Oswald Kill President Kennedy ? Was Oswald Framed ? WHO WAS GEORGE EFTHYRON JOANNIDES ?George Efthyron Joannides was a CIA propaganda specialist who came out of retirement to prevent the House Select Committee on Assassinations discovering links between the CIA and the anti-Castro Cubans whom Lee Oswald had met in New Orleans, 22 November 1963: A Brief Guide to the JFK Assassination.Find out more in: 22 November 1963: A Brief Guide to the JFK Assassination.This essential JFK assassination book is available from Amazon as a paperback and ebook, from only:US $5.99UK £3.99CA $6.49.George Efthyron Joannides (1922–1990) was a CIA officer who had two significant links to the JFK assassination: He oversaw a group of anti–Castro Cubans with whom Lee Harvey Oswald came into contact in New Orleans three months before the assassination. In 1978, he was the CIA’s liaison with the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Joannides’s employers kept his role in the assassination story secret from every official body which had anything to do with the assassination, in particular: the Warren Commission in 1964, the HSCA in 1977–79, and the Assassination Records Review Board in 1994–98.At the time of writing, the CIA is still withholding documents relating to George E. Joannides.The Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil:In the early 1960s, the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (Revolutionary Student Directorate, also known as the Cuban Student Directorate) was perhaps the largest and most active group within the anti–Castro Cuban exile community in the USA. The DRE’s members deplored President Kennedy’s Cuban policies, which they considered to be insufficiently aggressive. The group’s activities ranged from propaganda within the US to terrorist attacks on the Cuban mainland.The Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil and the CIA:The DRE, along with the headquarters of the CIA’s campaign against the Castro regime, was based around Miami, Florida. According to a CIA document from several years later, the DRE was “an anti–Castro organization conceived, created, and funded by the CIA” (NARA RIF no. 104–10170–10156). In 1963, the DRE was receiving $51,000 per month from the CIA.Lee Harvey Oswald and the DRE in New Orleans:Lee Harvey Oswald came into contact with the DRE in New Orleans in August 1963: he attempted to infiltrate the organization; he got into a fight with Carlos Bringuier, the DRE’s local public relations manager; and he took part in a radio debate with Bringuier.During August 1963, the DRE was under the supervision of George Joannides, who had recently been appointed Chief of Psychological Warfare Operations at the CIA’s base in Florida.Lee Oswald had claimed to represent the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, an organization which campaigned for a less aggressive US policy toward the Castro regime. The radio debate, during which Oswald admitted to having defected to the Soviet Union, served to identify the FPCC with the interests of the Cuban and Soviet states.Within hours of President Kennedy’s assassination, members of the DRE contacted various news organizations, supplying the evidence of the radio debate and pointing to Oswald’s apparent loyalty to the Castro regime (see HSCA Report, appendix vol.10, pp.85f). As the historian Gerald McKnight puts it: It was Bringuier’s contention that Oswald, a covert pro–Castro supporter, was trying to infiltrate the DRE’s New Orleans cell. [Jose Antonio] Lanusa released the story, but only after first clearing it with his CIA control, George Joannides. The story ran in the Miami Herald under the eye–catching title “Oswald Tried to Spy on Anti–Castro Exile Group.” Bringuier’s tale of Oswald as a Castro stooge also made the Washington Post: “Castro Foe Details Infiltration Effort.” Both of these stories appeared the day after the assassination. The unappreciated irony in this whole business was that the first JFK assassination conspiracy theory to find its way into print was paid for by George E. Joannides, a CIA Psychological Warfare Specialist.(Gerald D. McKnight, Breach of Trust: How the Warren Commission Failed the Nation and Why, University Press of Kansas, 2005, p.350).Was Oswald an Intelligence Agent ?Several aspects of Oswald’s behavior in New Orleans suggested that he was not a genuine supporter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and that he was in fact working to undermine the organization: The branch of the organization which Oswald had set up in New Orleans consisted only of himself and a fictitious entity, ‘A.J. Hidell’.Some of the FPCC leaflets which Oswald distributed in New Orleans were stamped with the address, 544 Camp Street, of a building which had no connection to any pro–Castro organization, but which did contain the offices of Guy Banister, a private investigator who was involved in anti–Castro activities.All of Oswald’s political associates in New Orleans were strongly anti–Castro. Several witnesses, including Guy Banister’s secretary, claimed to have seen Oswald and Banister together in public in New Orleans and elsewhere. When, with the assistance of the DRE, Oswald’s links with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee were publicized immediately after the assassination, the FPCC was obliged to disband.A contemporary FBI memo, which came to light more than a decade later, reported that “CIA is also giving some thought to planting deceptive information which might embarrass the [Fair Play for Cuba] Committee” (Schweiker–Hart Report, p.65).It was not just Oswald’s activities in New Orleans which led to suspicions that he was not what he seemed: Immediately after his escapade in New Orleans, Oswald appears to have visited Silvia Odio, a Cuban émigrée and anti–Castro activist, in Dallas. Oswald turned up at Odio’s apartment in the company of two other anti–Castro activists. One of Oswald’s companions telephoned Silvia Odio afterwards and claimed that the man he knew as ‘León Oswald’ was also strongly opposed to the Castro regime.Oswald’s half–hearted defection to the Soviet Union occurred after he had apparently been taught Russian at a military language school. When Oswald decided to return to the US less than three years later, he was not prosecuted, despite having offered to give military secrets to the Soviet regime. When he applied for a new passport in the summer of 1963, the passport was granted the next day.One of the first tasks faced by the Warren Commission was to quash the rumor, widely held by journalists in Texas, that Oswald had been employed by the FBI or the CIA, or both.Lee Harvey Oswald and George Joannides:In the 1990s it became known that the Counter-Intelligence branch of the CIA had been keeping a close eye on Lee Oswald before the JFK assassination. This, combined with the strong evidence that Oswald had been working undercover during his encounters with the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil in New Orleans, has led to the suggestion that the CIA may have had direct or indirect links with the alleged assassin.It is unlikely that George Joannides, working within a highly compartmentalized organization like the CIA, was aware of what one member of the Counter–Intelligence branch described as its “keen interest in Oswald on a need–to–know basis”. On the other hand, the man who oversaw the DRE would almost certainly have been informed about Oswald’s confrontations with Carlos Bringuier of the DRE.George Joannides and Official Investigations:The Warren Commission and Richard Helms:The CIA’s representatives before the Warren Commission were John McCone, the Director, and Richard Helms, the Deputy Director of Plans. The Commission’s friendly questioning omitted any reference to Oswald in New Orleans. Neither McCone nor Helms mentioned to the Warren Commission that the DRE, which had been in close contact with Oswald in New Orleans, was funded by the CIA (Warren Commission Hearings, vol.5, pp.120–8).McCone may not have been aware of any links between Oswald, the CIA and the DRE, and Helms was unlikely to volunteer any incriminating information to an outside body such as the Warren Commission; he had already closed down the agency’s internal investigation when it got too close to the matter of Lee Harvey Oswald’s impersonation in Mexico City. Despite having appointed George Joannides to supervise the DRE, Helms neglected to mention Joannides’s name to the Commission.The House Select Committee on Assassinations:The Warren Commission was reliant on official bodies, in particular the FBI, to provide it with evidence, and showed little interest in probing into anything that might cast doubt on its pre–conceived conclusions. The House Select Committee on Assassinations, however, had its own teams of investigators. Those looking into the Cuban aspects of the assassination inevitably required information from the CIA about Oswald’s activities in New Orleans and Mexico City.The CIA responded to the creation of the HSCA by appointing someone to act as a liaison between the agency and the committee. It chose George Joannides, who had retired from the agency two years earlier.Joannides acted as an intermediary between the HSCA and the CIA, in effect filtering requests for information from the investigators. Among the information requested was the identity of the CIA officer or officers who had dealt with the DRE. The CIA claimed not to know the identity of the man whom it had appointed to deal with both the DRE and the HSCA.George Joannides: First Public Appearance:The Assassination Records Review Board came into existence in 1994 as a result of the President John F. Kennedy Records Collection Act of 1992, which itself was the product of a public lobbying campaign following the commercial success of Oliver Stone’s film, JFK.The ARRB’s purpose was not to investigate the JFK assassination, but to allow the public access to all the remaining official documents relating to the assassination. The ARRB helped to release four million or more previously classified pages, which included the CIA’s personnel file on George Joannides.The file contained no documents relating to the seventeen months during which Joannides oversaw the DRE. The CIA’s known bookkeeping methods required that the file should have contained many pertinent documents, such as receipts for the CIA’s $51,000 monthly subsidy to the DRE and progress reports on the DRE’s activities.CIA Secrecy about George Joannides:Pattern of Secrecy:In the CIA’s dealings with official enquiries concerning the JFK assassination, nothing was mentioned about the existence of George Joannides or the agency’s links to the DRE: An internal CIA investigation into Oswald in December 1963 was not told of Oswald’s apparently pro–Castro activities in New Orleans. When John Whitten, the officer in charge of the investigation, protested, he was removed from the investigation.The Warren Commission in 1964, Jim Garrison’s criminal investigation a few years later, and the Rockefeller Commission in 1975 were not told that the organization which Lee Oswald had encountered in New Orleans was funded by the CIA.The House Select Committee on Assassinations in 1978 was likewise not told of the agency’s close links with the DRE. Nor was it told that the man acting as the liaison between the committee and the CIA had been closely involved in the activities of the DRE.The CIA told the Assassination Records Review Board between 1994 and 1998 that there was no link between the agency and the DRE. Even after Joannides’s name became known, his involvement was denied.The extant CIA personnel file on Joannides is glaringly incomplete. It contains none of the many written reports that would surely have been made about the DRE’s encounters with Oswald in New Orleans.Opinions of Secrecy:The involvement and behavior of Joannides was not appreciated by those involved in the HSCA and ARRB, according to a report in the New York Times: Dan Hardway, then a law student working for the [HSCA] committee, recalled Mr. Joannides as “a cold fish,” who firmly limited access to documents. Once, Mr. Hardway remembered, “he handed me a thin file and just stood there. I blew up, and he said, ‘This is all you’re going to get.’ ”But neither Mr. Hardway nor the committee’s staff director, G. Robert Blakey, had any idea that Mr. Joannides had played a role in the very anti–Castro activities from 1963 that the panel was scrutinizing.When Mr. [Jefferson] Morley first informed him about it a decade ago, Mr. Blakey was flabbergasted. “If I’d known his role in 1963, I would have put Joannides under oath — he would have been a witness, not a facilitator,” said Mr. Blakey, a law professor at the University of Notre Dame. “How do we know what he didn’t give us ?” After Oliver Stone’s 1991 film JFK fed speculation about the Kennedy assassination, Congress created the Assassination Records Review Board to release documents. But because the board, too, was not told of Mr. Joannides’s 1963 work, it did not pursue his records, said Judge Tunheim, the chairman.“If we’d known of his role in Miami in 1963, we would have pressed for all his records,” Judge Tunheim said.(Scott Shane, ‘CIA is Still Cagey About Oswald Mystery’, New York Times, 16 October 2009, p.A11).Reasons for the CIA’s Secrecy:The CIA’s policy has always been to support the lone–nut interpretation of the JFK assassination. The agency’s chronic secrecy about the activity of George Joannides can be interpreted in two ways: The secrecy may be due to a standard institutional protection mechanism: the CIA recognizes that its arms–length contacts with President Kennedy’s accused assassin imply that it could have done more to prevent the assassination. Alternatively, there may be more sinister reasons for the CIA’s behavior. Given the many aspects of Lee Oswald’s career that indicate his involvement with one or more intelligence organiations, the CIA knows or suspects that documentary evidence exists of a direct connection between the agency and Oswald.George Joannides and Robert Kennedy:In 2006, a short filmed report on the BBC TV program, News Night, alleged that George Joannides may have been one of three men, all CIA officers, who appear in a photograph taken at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles on 5 June 1968, the night of Robert Kennedy’s assassination in the hotel kitchen. The other two officers, David Sanchez Morales and Gordon Campbell, both worked with George Joannides at the CIA base in Miami known as JM/WAVE. The accusation was far from conclusive: the identifications of George Joannides and David Sanchez Morales were tentative, and there is no evidence that Joannides had even been in Los Angeles in June 1968. Gordon Campbell certainly had not been there then, having died in 1962. For an account of the controversy, see Jefferson Morley and David Talbot, ‘The BBC’s Flawed RFK Story’ at maryferrell.org, which includes a link to a reply by the film–maker, Shane O’Sullivan. Incidentally, O’Sullivan has made a film about the JFK assassination, Killing Oswald.The implication behind the story is, of course, that the three men were involved in the planning of Robert Kennedy’s assassination. Morley and Talbot make the obvious point that if the three CIA officers had been involved, they would hardly have made themselves noticed by loitering near the scene of the crime, an argument that can also be used against those who claim that the Watergate conspirator, E. Howard Hunt, was one of the three tramps in Dealey Plaza.According to some reports, a longer version of O’Sullivan’s film suggests that the three men in the photograph may instead have been executives of the Bulova watch company, which was holding a convention in the hotel at the time.More About George Joannides:Much of what is known about George Joannides and his association with the JFK assassination is due to the work of Jefferson Morley: For a detailed account of George Joannides and the actions of the CIA in keeping his identity secret, see Morley’s ‘Revelation 1963’, Miami New Times, 12 April 2001.For the removal of John Whitten from the internal CIA investigation of Oswald in Mexico City, see Morley’s ‘The Good Spy,’ Washington Monthly, December 2003. Morley wrote about the goings–on at the CIA’s Mexico City office in more detail in his book, Our Man in Mexico: Winston Scott and the Hidden History of the CIA, University Press of Kansas, 2008. The book is also available in Spanish.For the CIA’s knowledge of Oswald before the assassination, see Morley’s ‘What Jane Roman Said, part 3’ at history–matters.com. Jefferson Morley publishes regularly on the subject of George Joannides at his website, jfkfacts.org. He points out that the files about George Joannides are not the only JFK assassination files the CIA keeps secret.Other sources deal with the wider context of George Joannides and his work with the CIA and the DRE: For a good overview of the topic, see The CIA and the JFK Assassination at maryferrell.org.Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, University of California Press, 1993, covers several aspects of the story, including: the early attempts to blame the assassination on the Castro regime, in which the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil participated; Lee Oswald’s activities in New Orleans; and Carlos Bringuier’s opinion that Oswald may have been working on behalf of US intelligence.For the account by the House Select Committee on Assassinations of the DRE and its relations with US intelligence organizations, see HSCA Report, appendix vol.10, pp.85–88.Why Did Oswald Deny Shooting JFK ?What Does Noam Chomsky Say about the JFK Assassination ?By the Same Author 22 November 1963: A Brief Guide to the JFK AssassinationDid you find this article usefu? There’s more like this in the essential JFK assassination book!22 November 1963: A Brief Guide to the JFK Assassination — available from Amazon as a paperback and ebook from only:US $5.99UK £3.99CA $6.49The JFK Assassination: JFK Assassination: Basic Facts:Did Oswald Kill Kennedy ?How Did Oswald Shoot JFK ?The Single–Bullet TheoryThe Rifle and Paraffin TestsWas Oswald Framed ?“A Little Incident in Mexico City”Silvia Odio’s VisitorsThe Career of Lee Harvey OswaldThe Verdict: Guilty or Not Guilty ?JFK Conspiracy TheoriesThe Political ContextFurther ReadingJFK Assassination Books OnlineJFK Assassination Medical EvidenceThe Zapruder Film: Genuine or Fake ?Fiction, Propaganda and the MediaJFK Assassination FAQsOther JFK Assassination Texts22 November 1963 : Book and EbookJFK Assassination FAQsJFK Assassination: Main Issues ?Did Oswald Kill Officer J.D. Tippit ?Why Did Oswald Kill President Kennedy ?Was There a Plot to Kill JFK in Chicago ?Did Oswald Shoot at General Walker?Was Jack Ruby Involved in the JFK Assassination ?Where Did Oswald Shoot JFK From?Was Oswald on the TSBD Front Steps ?Who Saw Oswald in the Window ?How Reliable is the NAA Evidence ?Did Oswald Leave Any Fingerprints ?Was Oswald an Expert Marksman ?Was the Cover–Up Part of the Plot ?Did Oswald Try to Kill Richard Nixon ?Did Marina Oswald Have Bad Teeth ?How Accurate is Oliver Stone’s JFK ?Factual Errors in Oliver Stone’s JFK ?Was the TSBD Paper Bag Genuine ?Did Oswald Carry Curtain Rods ?What Do People Think About the JFK Assassination ?What Is the Magic Bullet Theory ?What Did the Commission Say about Jack Ruby ?What Caused Connally’s Lapel Flap?Did the Warren Commission Investigate the JFK Assassination Properly ?Who Were the Dealey Plaza Tramps ?The Case Against a Conspiracy ?The Case For a Conspiracy ?Did a Secret Service Agent Kill JFK ?What is a Conspiracy Theory ?What Does Noam Chomsky Say ?Who Was George Joannides ?Why Did Oswald Deny Shooting JFK ?Why is the Media Coverage So Bad ?Was the CE 399 Bullet Planted ?Did Lee Harvey Oswald Get a Fair Trial ?Why Was President Kennedy Assassinated ?Is Robert Vinson’s Story Credible ?Is the ‘Harvey and Lee’ Theory Credible ?What Was Lee Harvey Oswald’s Alibi ?Who Is ‘Prayer Man’ ?22 November 1963 : The Essential JFK Assassination Book22 November 1963: A Brief Guide to the JFK AssassinationWhether you are an expert or a beginner, you will find this book valuable:a readable and critical account of the central questions;detailed analysis of important topics;fully referenced: over 400 footnotes;available as a paperback and ebook.Find Out AboutLee Harvey Oswald — lone assassin, conspirator or patsy ?Oswald’s longstanding links to US intelligence agencies;Oswald’s visit to Mexico City a few weeks before the assassination — the crucial event which caused the Warren Commission to be set up;the official investigations — and why their answers are not widely believed;the medical evidence — the reason why the case remains controversial;the political context of the JFK assassination;and the pros and cons of the main theories associated with the event.Praise for 22 November 1963“A must read for any serious JFK researcher … well written, comprehensive and concise.” — Bob, NJ on Amazon.com“The single best book on the assassination … by far the clearest and most concise examination of the topic … If you were to read only one book on the assassination, this would have to be the one.” — T. Pool on Amazon.com“Excellent. Factual, precise and clearly written. A really great introduction to the complexities of this case.” — Francis on Amazon.co.uk
Bruce Patrick Brychek
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THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

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02.11.2017:THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 39:SPECIAL NOTE: (THE LACK OF SERIOUS ANALYSIS, READING, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITING ABOUT GEORGE E. JOANNIDES, JAMES JESUS ANGLETON, RICHARD HELMS, AND LEE HARVEY OSWALD COULD FILL VOLUMES. GEORGE E. JOANNIDES WAS RICHARD HELMS MAN IN MIAMI, FLORIDA IN THE EARLY 1960's. 02.11.2017. BB.)What Jane Roman Said:Part 6: Dick Helms' Man in Miami:Still more vindication came in November 1998. Without fanfare, the CIA declassified the personnel file of a previously unknown operations officer on the Special Affairs Staff named George Joannides. Jane Roman had said that in late 1963 certain people in the CIA's anti-Castro operation were showing "a keen interest in Oswald held very closely on the need to know basis." Skeptics of my story could rightly ask, "Like who ?"George E. Joannides is a new and important character in the Kennedy assassination story. The new records suggested George Joannides was one such SAS operative. The reason for his interest? The bulk of the available evidence indicates that Joannides in late 1963 was running a psychological warfare operation designed to link Lee Harvey Oswald to the Castro government without disclosing the CIA's hand.George E. Joannides (pronounced "Joe-uh-NEE-deez") is a new and important character in the Kennedy assassination story. In 1963, he was 40 years old, a rising protégé of Tom Karamessines. He was an 11-year veteran of the clandestine service. He was highly regarded for his skills in political action, propaganda and psychological warfare operations. A dapper, witty man, Joannides presented himself publicly as a Defense Department lawyer. In fact, in 1963 he was Dick Helms' man in Miami.His personnel file showed that he served in 1963 as the chief of the Psychological Warfare branch of the CIA's station in Miami. He had a staff of 24 and a budget of $1.5 million. He also was in charge of handling the anti-Castro student group that Oswald had tried to infiltrate in August 1963. They called themselves the Cuban Student Directorate and it was Joannides's job to guide and monitor them. Under CIA program named AMSPELL, he was giving $25,000 a month to Luis Fernandez Rocha, the Directorate's leader in Miami. That funding supported the Directorate's chapters in New Orleans and other cities.Fernandez Rocha, now a doctor in Miami, recalls a close but stormy relationship with the CIA man whom he knew only as "Howard." The records of the Directorate, now in the University of Miami archives, support Fernandez Rocha's memories. They show that "Howard" worked closely with the Directorate on a wide variety of issues. He bought them an air conditioner and reviewed their military plans. He was aware of their efforts to buy guns. He briefed them on how to answer questions from the press and paid for their travels. Joannides was certainly responsible for knowing if a Castro supporter was trying to infiltrate their ranks.Then came November 22, 1963. On a political trip to Dallas, Kennedy died in a hail of gunfire. Ninety minutes later, a suspect, Lee Oswald, was arrested. Not long after that Joannides received a call from the Cuban students saying they knew all about the accused assassin. He told them not to go public until he could check with Washington. They went public anyway. As the American nation reeled from the shock of Kennedy's violent death, the Cuban students in his pay embarked on a wide-ranging and effective media blitz to link Fidel Castro to Kennedy's death.In the span of a couple of hours in the evening of November 22, one leader of the Cuban Student Directorate called Paul Bethel, an influential former State Department official active in efforts to liberate Cuba. Another Cuban student called conservative spokeswoman Clare Booth Luce and told her the Directorate knew for a fact that Oswald was part of a Cuban government hit team operating out of Mexico City. A third told a New York Times reporter that the accused assassin was a Castro supporter.The First JFK Conspiracy: On November 23, 1963, the leaders of the Cuban Student Directorate (DRE) published a special four page edition of their newspaper suggesting that Lee Harvey Oswald had shot President Kennedy at the behest of Cuban leader Fidel Castro. This is the very first JFK conspiracy to reach public prints-and it was paid for by CIA man George Joannides. (Click on image above to see larger version.)The next day, November 23, 1963, the Cuban students put their suspicions in writing. They wrote up a seven-page brief on Oswald's pro-Castro ways. They also published a special edition of the Directorate's monthly publication. It was a four-page broadsheet with photos of Oswald and Castro together under the banner headline "The Presumed Assassins." This was probably the very first conspiratorial explanation of Kennedy's death to reach public print--and the mysterious George Joannides of the CIA paid it for.The goal of this operation, say the former Cuban students who carried it out, was to destabilize the Cuban government and create public pressure for a U.S. attack on the island.Fidel Castro feared the gambit might work. He put his armed forces on high alert. In a long, brooding speech on Cuban TV on the night of November 23, 1963, the Cuban leader denounced the exiled students' effort to link him to the assassination, charging it was a CIA provocation.Until now, historians and journalists have had little reason to credit Castro's charge. The revelation of Joannides's mission to Miami lends credence to--but does not prove--the longstanding view of the Cuban intelligence agency, the Diregencia General de Inteligencia. Cuban officials have long contended that the Cuban Student Directorate's effort to link Oswald to Castro was part of a deliberate CIA plan to exploit the assassination to justify a U.S. invasion of Cuba. That allegation, it now seems, has some merit. George Joannides was a CIA officer who helped perpetrate the provocation.Not surprisingly, George Joannides took his secrets to the grave. According to his Washington Post obituary, Joannides died in a Houston hospital in March 1990.When I asked the CIA for comment on his career, I was told that the agency has no knowledge of his actions in 1963. The chief of the CIA's Historic Review Program, James R. Oliver, even denied that Joannides worked with the Cuban Student Directorate in 1963. He acknowledged that the cover name "Howard" appears on CIA records about the Directorate but said "there is no other evidence to suggest that 'Howard' was an identity for Joannides." Oliver concluded with a remarkable profession of ignorance. "We have insufficient evidence as to who or what the word 'Howard' represented," he wrote in a letter to me.This is the CIA's official position on George Joannides. It is untrue.The CIA's own records are proof that Joannides was 'Howard.' Luis Fernandez Rocha and other veterans of the Cuban Student Directorate, now well-established professional men in Miami, told me of their frequent meetings with a CIA man named "Howard" in 1963. The records of the Directorate at the University of Miami library document the group's almost daily dealings with "Howard" in 1963. The former leaders of the Directorate described the CIA man's New York accent, his well-tailored suits, his Mediterranean features, his legal training, and other characteristics of George Joannides. The 1963 Miami phone book and members of the Joannides family confirm that Joannides lived in Miami at the time. And his CIA personnel file specifies that he had responsibility for the largest anti-Castro student group in Miami, which was the Cuban Student Directorate.Yet the CIA's position is that George Joannides a.k.a "Howard" wasn't in Miami in 1963, did not handle the agency's contacts with Cuban Student Directorate, and may not have even been an actual person.Whatever the reason for such odd obfuscation, the revelation of George Joannides's existence and activities in 1963 gives empirical substance to Jane Roman's analysis that certain operatives on the Special Affairs Staff were interested in Lee Harvey Oswald before the assassination. "There had to be a reason" for SAS to withhold information about Oswald, she said. The simplest and most plausible explanation is that George Joannides was one of those operatives and that he and his superiors sought to protect the "sources and methods" of a covert operation involving Lee Harvey Oswald in the fall of 1963.According to a CIA memo to the Kennedy White House, the CIA “guided and monitored” the Cuban Student Directorate in mid-1963.Such a conclusion is not indisputable. There is no direct documentary evidence stating that Joannides ran such an operation. But the lack of such evidence is not dispositive.First, it was Joannides's job to make sure that his actions could not be traced to the U.S. government. He was, judging from his job evaluations in 1963, very good at his job.Second, Joannides was well-known for his attention to paperwork. Very little of that paperwork has ever come to light. Running a group like the Cuban Student Directorate required monthly reports to CIA headquarters. The CIA has declassified these reports for the years 1960 to 1966. Only in the 17 months that Joannides worked with the group, December 1962 to April 1964, are the monthly reports missing from CIA archives.Third, and most importantly, CIA officials called Joannides out of retirement in 1978 to serve as the agency’s liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. He could have shared what he knew about Oswald’s Cuban activities with investigators. He did not. G. Robert Blakey, a law professor who served as the HSCA’s general counsel and worked closely with Joannides says the CIA man never let on that the anti-Castro Cubans who tangled with Oswald fifteen years before were in his pay. Why refrain from stating such a pertinent fact if not to protect a sensitive operation?While the details of Joannides's motivations in 1963 remain concealed, the results of his actions are well documented. According to a CIA memo to the Kennedy White House, the CIA “guided and monitored” the Cuban Student Directorate in mid-1963. Declassified CIA cables show that “Howard” demanded that the group clear their public statements with him. In his job evaluation from the summer of 1963, Joannides was credited having established control over the group. He dispensed funds from the AMSPELL budget, which the Directorate’s leaders in Miami and New Orleans used to publicly identify Oswald as a supporter of theCastro government in August 1963. AMSPELL funds were also used within hours of the Kennedy's death to link Oswald to Castro.The results of his expenditures, it must be said, were consistent with U.S. policy. The former Directorate leaders say their purpose in launching a propaganda blitz against Oswald was to discredit the Castro regime and create public pressure for a U.S. attack on Cuba.At the time, the group was funded and authorized to carry out the agency's desires. Indeed, the group's propaganda chief, Juan Manuel Salvat, now a respected Miami book publisher, had operational approval as a CIA agent, according to his CIA file.Joannides kept his hand in all of this secret, which was consistent with his duty to protect "sources and methods" (and with Roman's observation that SAS was keeping information about Oswald "under their tight control.") Joannides certainly knew of the Directorate's contacts with Oswald within hours of Kennedy's death, if not earlier, yet did not report his knowledge in written documents. Such records might have been turned over to law enforcement and thus exposed the agency's operations to public view.Joannides receives a tape of Oswald: On November 22, 1963, Joannides learned that his assets in the Cuban Student Directorate (DRE) had collected intelligence on Lee Harvey Oswald, accused killer of Kennedy. The DRE leaders sent Joannides (a.k.a. "Howard") a tape of remarks Oswald had made on a New Orleans radio station. (Click on image above to see uncropped version.)To be sure, other interpretations are possible. Perhaps the Cuban students, while funded by the CIA for the purposes of political action, intelligence collection and propaganda, engaged in all of these activities against Lee Harvey Oswald but did so independently, without knowledge of or prompting from anyone at the agency.The former leaders of the Directorate tend to this point of view. They stress that memories are hazy after 40 years and their allies at the CIA certainly did not keep them fully informed about anything. They were, they admit, impetuous and inexperienced young men while “Howard” was an older man of considerable experience and clout sent by the highest levels of the U.S. government. Of course, they worked with him while reserving the right to take indepedent action. Idealistic, if sometimes immature, they acted as Cuban patriots. They did not have to be told to dislike Lee Harvey Oswald’s pro-Castro politics or to resent his attempted infiltration of their group. After Oswald was arrested for killing Kennedy, they had every reason to use his politics to discredit Castro and create pressure on him.One of the Directorate’s former leaders, Tony Lanusa, now a Miami businessman, says he called “Howard” within minutes of the news of Oswald’s arrest on November 22, 1963. He recalls telling the CIA man that the group wanted to go public with what they knew about the accused assassin. “Howard” told them to hold off until he could contact Washington for guidance. They went ahead anyway. Citing Lanusa’s very credible account, one could argue that the Cuban Student Directorate’s propaganda linking Oswald and Castro was not the agency’s responsibility.On a practical level though, the agency's responsibility for the first JFK conspiracy is beyond dispute. By the admission of its own former leaders, the Cuban Student Directorate was totally dependent on CIA funding in 1963. Without the money provided by Joannides there would have been no delegation of Cuban students in New Orleans with the time to confront Oswald. There would have been no money for their press release to the local papers calling for an investigation of his pro-Castro ways. There would have been no tape recording of his remarks on a local radio station. There would have been no money for the Directorate's phone calls to Clare Booth Luce and the New York Times on the night of November 22, 1963. There would have been no money for the broadsheet with photos of Oswald and Castro, and perhaps no post-assassination war scare. The fact that the Directorate's leaders felt obliged to call Joannides on November 22, 1963 is mostly evidence of how seriously they took his guidance.Joannides was not displeased with the Directorate's conspiracy mongering. The FBI checked out the Directorate's claims about Oswald. The CIA apparently did not. None of the Cuban student leaders say they heard from Joannides after November 22, 1963, except for Luis Fernandez Rocha who says the CIA man offered some friendly advice: go back to school. The anti-Castro cause was doomed. That sounds more like a spook shutting down an operation, than a man surprised to learn that his paid agents had been talking to Lee Harvey Oswald behind his back.Nor is there any evidence that Helms and Karamessines were unhappy that Joannides's boys in Miami had linked the accused assassin to Castro. The agency continued to fund the Directorate after the Kennedy assassination; Joannides received the highest possible job evaluation for his work in 1963.Nonetheless, one might still concoct a scenario in which the independent-minded Cuban students had a series of encounters with the obscure Lee Harvey Oswald that somehow escaped the notice of the usually vigilant George Joannides (but not the FBI or CIA headquarters). One could further hypothesize that, when President Kennedy was killed and the overzealous Cuban students attempted to link the accused presidential assassin to Castro, Joannides and his superiors chose to bury the whole affair out of embarrassment. In this view, the Cuban students were out of control, George Joannides was out of his league, Fidel Castro was above suspicion, and the agency was honestly surprised by the results.The CIA rejects any such interpretation. In the official story, George Joannides had no contact at all with Cuban Student Directorate in 1963. He wasn't there. Agency personnel have no knowledge of or connection to the first JFK conspiracy theory. This denial of reality is, 40 years after the fact, bizarre and perhaps revealing. It makes the Cuban communist interpretation of 1963--that the Kennedy assassination was a provocation by a CIA faction--relatively more credible. Yet the agency stands by it.In fact, George Joannides did his job in 1963 as his CIA bosses wanted. He was paid to mount covert operations, and he did. In all likelihood, he was working on an authorized psychological warfare operation involving the Cuban Student Directorate and Oswald in the fall of 1963. The purpose of this operation seems to have been to denounce Oswald's pro-Castro ways, the better to advance the U.S. policy of overthrowing the Castro government. Joannides and his bosses did what they conceived of as their professional duty by protecting the agency's sources and methods both before and after Oswald was arrested for killing Kennedy. Joannides’s stonewalling of the HSCA in the late 1970s was part of the same effort.In any case, his actions emerge as the most likely explanation for what Jane Roman saw in the Oswald paper trail. George Joannides was part of the SAS faction that was holding information about Oswald tightly under their control.There is no evidence that Joannides or the Cuban students had anything to do with the gunfire in Dealey Plaza.No one can insinuate that George Joannides was a co-conspirator in a plot to kill President Kennedy. His friends and family recall him as an ethical, funny, warm, and patriotic person, and I have no reason to doubt them. Whatever he did in 1963 it certainly had the approval of the late Dick Helms and Tom Karamessines. Because the CIA denies knowing anything about his actions in 1963, the exact nature of some of his professional activities awaits decisive clarification.In any case, his actions emerge as the most likely explanation for what Jane Roman saw in the Oswald paper trail. George Joannides was part of the SAS faction that was holding information about Oswald tightly under their control. To my mind, the revelation of his existence and activities corroborated her analysis and confirmed the importance that I attached to it. But the CIA's evasions make definitive conclusions premature.I felt vindicated. But I'd been stonewalled.Part 7: The End of the Paper Trail
Bruce Patrick Brychek
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THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

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02.12.2017:THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 40:SPECIAL NOTE: (RICHARD CASE NAGELL VOLUNTARILY WENT TO PRISON TO ALLEGEDLY AVOID KILLING LEE HARVEY OSWALD FOR THE CIA TO KEEP LHO FROM KILLING JFK, PER NAGELL. NAGELL WROTE THIS IN A LETTER TO J. EDGAR HOOVER.NAGELL CLAIMED THAT HE HAD BEEN A DOUBLE AND/OR TRIPLE AGENT FOR BOTH THE CIA AND THE KGB. IF TRUE, HE WOULD HAVE BEEN DIRECTLY UNDER THE CONTROL OF JAMES JESUS ANGLETON, WHO WOULD HAVE KEPT NAGELL "INVISIBLE", AND WHO AVOIDED ALL COMMENT ON NAGELL.NAGELL HAD BEEN COUNTER INTELLIGENCE FOR THE U.S. ARMY, AND PERFECTLY FIT THE PROFILE FOR A SHEEP DIPPED CIA AGENT, WHOM THE CIA LATER DENIED KNOWING. "THOU DOTH PROTEST TOO MUCH." SHAKESPEARE.NAGELL HAD ASSOCIATIONS WITH SEVERAL DEEP COVER CIA AGENTS WHOM THE FBI ASKED THE CIA ABOUT. THIS WAS NEVER ANSWERED BY THE CIA.MANY MORE QUESTIONS ABOUT RICHARD CASE NAGELL REMAIN UNANSWERED THAN WERE EVER ANSWERED. 02.11.2017. BB.)RICHARD CASE NAGELL - THE MAN WHO KNEW TOO MUCH:Richard Case Nagell, whom Dick Russell labeled '"The Man Who Knew Too Much."On September 20, 1963, Richard Case Nagell walked into a bank in El Paso, Texas. He fired two shots into the wall near the ceiling, walked back out to his car, and waited to be arrested. Subsequently, Nagell would claim he was a double (or triple) agent of U.S. and the KGB, that he knew Lee Harvey Oswald and was monitoring the JFK assassination plot which involved Cuban exiles, and that he had been ordered to kill Oswald to prevent the plot from being carried out. He also maintained that he had sent a registered letter to FBI Director Hoover, warning him of the plot.Author Dick Russell interviewed Nagell and corresponded with him, and eventually wrote a book, largely about Nagell, entitled The Man Who Knew Too Much. Nagell was very guarded about what he knew, and some of his correspondence uses humorous pseudonyms for the various persons and organizations.Who was Richard Case Nagell ? A decorated Korean War veteran, Nagell was in a plane crash in 1954 which left him in a coma for weeks. Despite this, he was subsequently granted a Top Secret clearance and served for several years in CounterIntelligence in the Army. Was Nagell's later strange behavior a sign of brain damage or psychological difficulties, or was he "sheep dipped" for a role in undercover work ?The Nagell story is truly one of the weirdest in the JFK assassination literature, and critics of it point to Nagell's many inconsistencies, his failure to ever come up with the hidden-away evidence he claimed he had, and his tendency to "let out" information just at a time where he might have acquired it through public channels. But some of his knowledge remains unexplained. The FBI inquired of the CIA about seven names found in a notebook in Nagell's possession at the time of his arrest. A review determined that all of them were involved in intelligence, and the CIA wrote back to the FBI asking "how the above names came into the possession of Nagell." The question was never answered.A perhaps fitting if tragic denouement to the story occurred when the Assassination Records Review Board decided to contact Nagell. The ARRB sent a registered letter on October 31, 1995. One day after the letter was mailed, Nagell was found dead in his apartment, victim of an apparent heart attack.RESOURCES:Essays:The Life and Death of Richard Case Nagell, by Probe.The Man in the Middle: Richard Case Nagell's View of an Evolving Conspiracy, by Larry Hancock.Introduction to Dick Russell's "The Man Who Knew Too Much", by Lachy Hulme.Truth or Dare: The Lives and Lies of Richard Case Nagell, by Dave Reitzes.Richard Case Nagell: The Man Who Knew Too Much, by Dick Russell.Oswald and the CIA, by Dick Russell.The Private Correspondence of Richard Case Nagell, by Probe.Hasty Judgment: A Reply to Gerald Posner--Why the JFK Case is Not Closed, by Michael T. Griffith.Who Was Richard Case Nagell's Mexico CIA Contact?, by Tony Basing.Passages: Richard Case Nagell, in Kennedy Assassination Chronicles, Volume 1, Issue 4.Mary Ferrell Database:Nagell, Richard Case.Other Links:Richard Case Nagell: Report of Psychiatric Examination, at JFK Online. Documents:ARRB Final Report:Section 7.A.14, p.130 - Richard Case Nagell. Notes his death the day after the ARRB mailed a latter to Nagell.Commission Document 197. FBI Reid Report of 20 Dec 1963 re: Oswald. Notes Nagell's statement that "My contact with Oswald was strictly social and that is all I can say."Commission Document 253. FBI Ray Report of 3 Jan 1964 reporting interviews with Richard Case Nagell in the El Paso County Jail.Commission Document 404. FBI Reid Report of 30 Jan 1964 re: Oswald. Reports Marina Oswald's statement that she did not know Richard Case Nagell.Memo from CIA Director of Security to Director, FBI. On 7 April 1964, the CIA responded to an FBI inquiry regarding names found on papers in Nagell's possession.Memo from Sarah Hall to Chief, LEOB/SRS. CIA officers reported on Nagell's 4 June 1968 appearance at the General Consul's office in Zurich, Switzerland.Memo from DD/P to Director, FBI. This lengthy 13 Dec 1968 memo from Richard Helms to J. Edgar Hoover lays out some of the Nagell story.Telegram from American Embassy in Madrid to Secretary of State. This March 1969 telegram reports Nagell's conversation with Consul officer Robert S. Driscoll. See also this April telegram.Letter to Attorney General from Director, FBI. This 12 June 1975 letter regarding Nagell was prompted by Richard Popkin, author of The Second Oswald.Affidavit of Richard Case Nagell. Nagell asserted in this 21 Nov 1975 affidavit that he had sent registered mail to J. Edgar Hoover about a conspiracy involving Lee Harvey Oswald to assassination Kennedy.RELATED STARTING POINTSGarrison Investigation:BOOKS OF INTEREST The Man Who Knew Too Much:Dick RussellCarroll and Graf Publishers, 1992 Bloody Treason:Noel TwymanLaurel Publishing, 1997 Harvey and Lee:John ArmstrongQuasar, Ltd., 2003 A Farewell To Justice:Joan MellenPotomac Books, 2005 The Assassination of John F. Kennedy: A Complete Book Of Facts:Duffy, James P. and Ricci, Vincent L.Thunder's Mouth Press, 1992© Mary Ferrell Foundation. All Rights Reserved. Press Room MFF Policies Contact Us Site Map
Bruce Patrick Brychek
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THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

Post by Bruce Patrick Brychek »

04.02.2017:THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 41:SPECIAL NOTE: (PAY STRONGER ATTENTION TO JFK CHALLENGING MAJESTIC TWELVE RATHER THAN THE CIA. MAJESTIC TWELVE HAD AUTHORITY OVER THE CIA. THE CIA WAS THE ENFORCEMENT ARM OF MAJESTIC TWELVE. JAMES JESUS ANGLETON WAS HEAD OF COUNTER INTELLIGENCE FOR MAJESTIC TWELVE FOR APPROXIMATELY 20 YEARS FOR 1954 - 1974. NOBODY WAS MORE FEARED THAN ANGLETON. DULLES, HELMS, HUNT, HOOVER, etc. ALL FEARED ANGLETON. HIS FILES MADE J. EDGAR HOOVER's LOOK LIKE CLIFF NOTES. ALSO, AFTER THE WARREN COMMISSION BEGAN, ALLEN DULLES SECRETLY PUT ANGLETON IN CHARGE BEHIND THE SCENE. IN ADDITION, ANGLETON ALLEGEDLY WAS THE VERY TOP LEVEL HANDLER OF LEE HARVEY OSWALD. 04.02.2017, BB.)Vol 3:2 (July 2009). ISSN 1938-1719 PRESIDENT KENNEDY’s DEADLY CONFRONTATION WITH THE CIA AND MAJESTIC TWELVE OVER ET/UFO X - FILES: MICHAEL E. SALLA, M.A., Ph.D. ABSTRACT:A number of documents and testimonies cast light on President Kennedy’s knowledge of UFO crash retrieval operations, and his efforts to gain access to classified files concerning extraterrestrial life and technology. There are two main phases to Kennedy’s efforts. The first is a series of executive actions he began on February 19, 1961 to place cold war psychological warfare programs under the control of his national security advisor, and later in June 1961 to implement Presidential executive oversight over covert CIA operations through the Joint Chiefs of Staff. These executive actions coincided with Kennedy’s efforts to gain access to the activities of a highly classified project dealing with UFOs and extraterrestrial life – MJ-12 Special Studies Project. The second phase began on September 20, 1963 when Kennedy embarked on a high risk political strategy of getting NASA to cooperate with the USSR on joint space and lunar missions. This brought to a climax a confrontation over the release of classified UFO files with the CIA & those in control of the MJ-12 Special Studies Project. This article reviews testimonies, documents and events concerning Kennedy’s interest in UFOs and extraterrestrial life, and how this culminated in a deadly behind-the-scenes confrontation with the CIA and MJ-12 in the final month of his life. IINTRODUCTION:Early in his Presidential administration John F. Kennedy had very strong interests in UFOs and extraterrestrial life that directly influenced some of his policy initiatives. A number of documents and testimonies cast light on his knowledge of highly classified UFO crash retrieval operations, and efforts to gain access to classified UFO files. If leaked documents and testimonies are correct, President Kennedy traveled to remote military locations to view retrieved extraterrestrial vehicles and bodies; allegedly received messages from and even met with human looking extraterrestrials; and pressured the CIA to give him access to classified UFO files. There are two main phases to Kennedy’s attempts to gain access to files concerning extraterrestrial life and technology. The first concerns a series of executive actions Kennedy took early in his administration. On February 19, 1961, Kennedy issued an Executive Order to placing cold war psychological warfare programs under the control of his national security advisor. This was followed on June 28 by a series of Presidential Memoranda to implement Presidential executive oversight over covert CIA operations through the Joint Chiefs of Staff. These executive actions coincided with Kennedy’s efforts to gain access to the activities of a highly classified project dealing with UFOs and extraterrestrial life – MJ-12 Special Studies Project. Kennedy’s executive actions led to a bitter conflict with his outgoing CIA Director, Allen Dulles who was opposed to granting Kennedy access. The second phase began on September 20, 1963 when Kennedy embarked on a high risk political strategy of getting NASA to cooperate with the USSR on joint space and lunar missions. Less well known is that this brought to a climax a confrontation over the release of classified UFO files with the CIA & those in control of the MJ-12 Special Studies Project. This article reviews testimonies, documents and events concerning Kennedy’s interest in UFOs and extraterrestrial life, and how this culminated in a deadly behind-the-scenes confrontation with the CIA and MJ-12 in the final month of his life. WAS JFK BRIEFED ABOUT AND WITNESS EXTRATERRESTRIAL LIFE AND TECHNOLOGY ?A leaked document from July 22, 1947 claims that John F. Kennedy, then serving in the U.S. Congress, had learned about the Roswell UFO crash and the recovery of alien bodies. According to the Interplanetary Phenomenon Unit Summary: It has become known to CIC [U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps] that that some of the [Roswell UFO] recovery operation was shared with Representative John F. Kennedy, Massachusetts Democrat elected to Congress in 46…. Kennedy had limited duty as naval officer assigned to Naval intelligence during war. It is believed that information was obtained from source in Congress who is close to Secretary for Air Force. [1] Kennedy appeared to have been unofficially briefed about the Roswell UFO crash from an unnamed Congressional source close to Stuart Symington who at the time was Assistant Secretary of War for Air. Symington was certainly informed about the UFO crash near Roswell Army Airfield in July, 1947, and two months later on September 18, 1947 became the first Secretary for the newly created U.S. Air Force.[2] Symington was a native of Massachusetts and was Kennedy’s favorite as a running mate for the 1960 Presidential election. It is very likely that after the Roswell flying saucer crash made front page headlines on July 6, 1947, Symington took into his confidence the unnamed Congressional source. The source then relayed this to newly elected Kennedy who began his first Congressional term in January 1947 after the November 1946 mid-term Congressional elections. As a former Naval Intelligence officer and a serving Congressman, Kennedy was presumably deemed reliable to receive and keep secret such highly classified information. While the authenticity of the document in question, "Interplanetary Phenomenon Unit Summary," is disputed, the U.S. Army did finally acknowledge through FOIA responses that the Interplanetary Phenomenon Unit did at one time exist and was abolished in the late1950s.[3] This admission supports the legitimacy of the leaked document. The claim that Kennedy had knowledge of UFO crash retrieval operations is supported by British UFO researcher Timothy Good. In his book Need to Know, Good cites a reliable military source that Kennedy was taken to see the alien bodies from Roswell: Around 1961/1962 President J.F. Kennedy expressed a wish to see the alien bodies associated with an alien crash-site. He had obviously been informed of their existence and wished to see for himself the evidence…. According to information received, the alien bodes were taken to Florida when Kennedy went to see them [at] a medical facility.[4] This is consistent with leaked documents concerning the death of Marilyn Monroe and her knowledge of President Kennedy seeing alien bodies at a US Air Force base. A leaked top secret CIA wiretap summary of conversations concerning Monroe and the Kennedy brothers, has been tacitly acknowledged by the CIA as genuine.[5] The transcript states: Rothberg indicated in so many words, that she [Monroe] had secrets to tell, no doubt arising from her trists [sic] with the President and the Attorney General. One such "secret" mentions the visit by the President at a secret air base for the purpose of inspecting things from outer space. Kilgallen replied that she knew what might be the source of visit [sic]. In the mid-fifties Kilgallen learned of secret effort by US and UK governments to identify the origins of crashed spacecraft and dead bodies, from a British government official. Kilgallen believed the story may have come from the New Mexico story [Roswell] in the late forties.[6] Significantly, the CIA document was signed by James [Jesus] Angleton, chief of counterintelligence for the CIA. As will be discussed later, this reveals that Angleton’s CIA counterintelligence was closely involved in events concerning classified UFO files. The document certainly points to Monroe’s knowledge of Kennedy visiting an Air Force base to see remnants of a crashed UFO and dead extraterrestrials. Rare first hand witness evidence that Kennedy had certain knowledge of UFOs and extraterrestrial life comes from a former flight steward on Air Force One. Bill Holden claims that Kennedy was aware that UFOs were extraterrestrial in origin. In a June 2007 interview, Holden explained that in June 1963, while flying to Germany on Air Force One, he placed two newspapers before Kennedy where UFOs were clearly pictured on the front page. In response to Kennedy’s question of what he thought of UFOs, Holden said: “For us to believe that we are the only intelligent beings in the world is unbelievable. So, yes, I believe that there is such a thing as other human species as well as UFOs.”[7] In response President Kennedy said: “You're right, young man.” The unqualified nature of Kennedy’s response revealed he had knowledge that UFOs interplanetary in origin. More significant was the implication that Kennedy knew some extraterrestrials were human looking. This leads to the extraordinary claims by George Adamski that President Kennedy received messages from and even met with human looking extraterrestrials. DID JFK RECEIVE MESSAGES FROM AND MEET WITH EXTRATERRESTRIALS ?George Adamski’s claims of having filmed flying saucers and having met with their human looking extraterrestrial occupants have long been controversial despite supporting photographic, film and witness testimonies. The testimonies of a number of first hand witnesses and investigators of Adamski give credence to his claims of having secret meetings with European dignitaries including Pope John XXIII and members of the Pentagon to secretly brief them about extraterrestrial life. Among the more controversial of Adamski’s claims is that he privately met with President Kennedy in late 1961 and again in 1962. Adamski claims that during his first visit, he passed on a message from his extraterrestrial contacts about a future world crisis – thought to be the October 1962 Cuban Missile crisis. Desmond Leslie, a former Royal Air Force pilot, Irish Lord and cousin to Winston Churchill, closely investigated Adamski’s claims. Adamski claimed he secretly visited Pope John XXIII and passed on a message from extraterrestrials to him shortly before the Pope's death shortly after the completion of the opening session of the Second Vatican Council which lasted from October 11 to December 8, 1962. Leslie was subsequently able to confirm Adamski did meet Pope John XXIII and was given a papal gold medallion for his service. Adamski’s claim of having an ordnance pass which gave him access to U.S. military facilities was confirmed by William Sherwood who at the time worked at Eastman Kodak as an optical physicist, and Madeline Rodeffer who worked as personal secretary for the US Air Force. Sherwood himself had previously worked for the U.S. Ordnance Department and possessed his own ordnance pass. Both Sherwood and Rodeffer saw Adamski’s Ordnance pass thereby giving credence to Adamski’s claims that he secretly briefed the Pentagon about his extraterrestrial contacts. If Adamski did regularly brief the Pentagon and European VIPs, then this leads to his claim that he secretly met with President Kennedy around October 1961 to deliver a message from the “space brothers.” The message contained advice on a world crisis to occur in about a year that was later revealed to be the October 1962 Cuban Missile crisis. If true, the contents of the message may have helped Kennedy develop the right strategy for dealing with a conflict that could easily have escalated into a Third World War. The extraterrestrial message, apparently, also contained an invitation for Kennedy to meet with them in California. According to Adamski, President Kennedy accepted the invitation. Lou Zinstag, Carl Jung’s niece describes what she was told by Adamski concerning Kennedy’s alleged meeting with extraterrestrials: I still remember his [Adamski’s] White House story. He told me that he had been entrusted with a written invitation for President Kennedy to visit one of the space people’s huge mother ships at a secret airbase in Desert Hot Springs, California, for few days. In order to keep this visit absolutely secret, Adamski was to take the invitation directly to the White House through a side door. Still glowing with excitement and smiling happily, he explained how the row of cars in which his taxi was traveling had to stop because of a red light just in front of this particular door where a man he knew - a spaceman, he said - was standing ready to let him in. Adamski later learned that Kennedy had spent several hours at the airbase after having canceled an important trip to New York, and that he had a long talk with the ships crew, but that he had not been invited for a flight."[8] The quality of witness testimonies, photos and film evidence all lead to the conclusion that George Adamski was largely telling the truth about his flying saucer sightings and contacts with human looking extraterrestrials.[9] There is however no reliable independent evidence that Kennedy met with the extraterrestrials Adamski claims he was in contact with. The only witness testimony related to Adamski’s claim concerns President Kennedy secretly traveling to an undisclosed Air Force base to watch UFOs in flight. A reliable source, according to UFO researcher Timothy Cooper, said that Kennedy "did fly out to an air force base to personally watch an unidentified bogie track from an aircraft under tight security which got no press coverage sometime in 1962."[10] This event appears to be different to Kennedy’s visits to view remnants of crashed UFOs and alien bodies. If Kennedy actually traveled for a secret meeting with human looking extraterrestrials, no one other than Adamski has come forward to make this claim. Pres Kennedy arrived at Homestead Air Force Base – 11/25/1962:Whatever the truth of claims that Kennedy had been unofficially briefed about the Roswell UFO crash while a congressman in 1947; personally saw extraterrestrial vehicles and bodies early in his administration; received extraterrestrial messages; or even met with human looking extraterrestrials, there is little doubt that he attempted to gain official access to UFO files. An extensive set of documents reveal that Kennedy ran into a powerful opposition from the Director of the CIA when he tried to gain access to the files of the classified project created to handle UFOs and extraterrestrial affairs – MJ-12 Special Studies Project. JFK’s EFFORTS TO GAIN ACCESS TO MAJESTIC TWELVE ACTIVITIES:The existence of a Top Secret classified project responsible for extraterrestrial life and technology is supported by three official government documents. The first was a document found in 1985 in the U.S. National Archives that explicitly referred to an “MJ-12 Special Studies Project”. It was found among a group of declassified Air Force documents and copied by the archivist, Ed Reese, as part of official records belonging to the National Archives.[11] The July 14, 1954 memorandum was sent by President Eisenhower’s National Security Advisor Robert Cutler to U.S. Air Force Chief of Staff, General Nathan Twining to schedule a meeting for the “MJ-12 Special Studies Project” briefing. The “Cutler-Twining memo” is among the most authoritative documentary sources so far for the existence of an MJ-12 Special Studies Project.[12]The second government document referring to a Top Secret UFO control group is a Top Secret memo from Wilbert Smith who at the time was a senior radio engineer with the Canadian Department of Transportation. Dated November 21, 1951, Smith wrote the following to the Controller of Telecommunications concerning flying saucer technologies being secretly studied in the U.S. by a very highly classified group:a. The matter is the most highly classified subject in the United States government, rating higher than the H-bomb,b. Flying saucers exist,c. Their modus operandi is unknown but a concentrated effort is being made by a small group headed by Dr. Vannevar Bush, andd. The entire matter is considered by the United States authorities to be of tremendous significance.[13]Smith’s memo confirms that in 1951 a small group headed by Dr Vannevar Bush was secretly studying the technologies associated with the UFO issue. Bush had earlier headed the Office of Scientific Research and Development (1941-1947) and the joint military services Research Development Board (RDB).[14] At the time of Smith’s memo, Bush was on the oversight committee of the RDB and a leading scientific advisor to Truman. Bush’s role is significant for another leaked document, the Truman Memo, shortly to be discussed. The third document involves three 1952 Top Secret memos from the Joint Chiefs of Staff titled: "Joint Logistic Plan for MAJESTIC." The memos were declassified in 1976 and state: The following plans in support of MAJESTIC are now under preparation: A psychological warfare plan, an unconventional warfare plan, cover and deception plans, a civil affairs/military government plan, a command plan, a logistic plan, transportation guidance, to be included in the logistic plan, a map and chart plan and a communications plan." [15] The significance of this set of memos is that it shows that in 1952 a project called Majestic was underway and this involved significant support across a wide spectrum of areas that would be expected for something involving UFOs and extraterrestrial life: psychological warfare, covert military operations, civil affairs/military government, logistics, communications, etc. The Joint Chiefs memos corroborate the 1954 Cutler Twining memo involving a project called Majestic-12, and what Smith described as a UFO group headed by Vannevar Bush. Secretary Forrestal (2nd from right) with other alleged MAJESTIC TWELVE members: (SPECIAL NOTE: JAMES FORRESTAL WAS A CONFIDENTIAL, AND VERY CLOSE FRIEND OF JFK's BEFORE FORRESTAL WAS SUICIDED AT BETHESDA HOSPITAL WHERE IRONICALLY JFK's BODY ALLEGEDLY WAS SECRETLY "PROCESSED." 04.02.2017. BB.)The three preceding official documents corroborate a number of leaked documents also describing a UFO control group called MJ-12, Majestic or similar variations. One leaked document is an alleged Top Secret memorandum written by President Truman to Secretary of Defense, Robert Forrestal on September 24, 1947. Referring to recent conversations on an undisclosed matter [UFOs and extraterrestrial life], Truman writes: “[h]ereafter this matter shall be referred to only as Operation Majestic Twelve.” [16] The Memorandum goes on to say: “future considerations relative to the ultimate disposition of this matter should rest solely with the Office of the President following appropriate discussions with yourself, Dr Bush and the Director of Central Intelligence.” The Truman memo was described as a Special Classified Executive (#092447) and attached to a larger leaked document called the Eisenhower Briefing document. Alleged to be a briefing to President-Elect Eisenhower on 18 November 1952, the Eisenhower Briefing Document describes the beginning of Majestic-12 operations and the twelve officials that sat on it.[17] The Eisenhower Briefing Document has been exhaustively researched, and found by some prominent UFO researchers to be historically consistent with events, documents and officials of the time.[18] Taken collectively, the Cutler-Twining Memo, the Smith Memo, the Joint Chiefs of Staff Memos, the Truman Memo and the Eisenhower Briefing Document conclusively show the existence of a Top Secret military scientific group responsible for dealing with extraterrestrial life and technology called at the time – Majestic-12 or some variation. These documents reveal that MJ-12 operated in a clandestine manner, was given enormous logistics support by the Pentagon, was closely associated with CIA covert operations, and escaped direct Presidential oversight. When President Kennedy came to office in 1961, he was aware of the existence of MJ-12, and its relationship to information concerning UFOs and extraterrestrial life. He decided to find out more about its covert activities and reestablish Presidential executive authority over it. On June 28, 1961, President Kennedy wrote the following to Allen Dulles who was the Director of the CIA: NATIONAL SECURITY MEMORANDUM:To: The Director, Central Intelligence AgencySubject: Review of MJ-12 Intelligence Operations as they relate to Cold War Psychological Warfare PlansI would like a brief summary from you at your earliest convenience[19] This leaked National Security Memorandum clearly shows that in June of 1961, Kennedy wanted to learn about MJ-12 activities and the relationship with psychological warfare. While the leaked June Memorandum has not been acknowledged by the CIA (it was classified TOP SECRET), other documents from the period support its authenticity. Early in his administration, President Kennedy showed that he desired to restructure the National Security Council and bring all intelligence and psychological warfare activities under direct Executive control. On February 19, 1961, President Kennedy issued Executive Order 10920 which abolished the Operations Coordinating Board.[20] The Operations Coordinating Board was the primary interagency organization responsible for Cold War psychological warfare activities.[21] Its responsibilities were handed over to Kennedy’s national security advisor, McGeorge Bundy and the Department of State. President Kennedy’s EO 10920 showed that he desired to gain control over all intelligence activities related to psychological warfare. Abolishing the Operations Coordinating Board shows he was willing to dismantle any government entity in order to bring its psychological warfare operations under the direct control of his national security team. EO 10920 helps substantiate his later June 28, 1961 National Security Memorandum concerning a review of MJ-12 activities that Kennedy had learned involved psychological warfare. EO 10920 also helps substantiate the very real concern, to be discussed later, that Dulles believed that the future of MJ-12 was at stake. The authenticity of the June 28, 1961 Memorandum is also supported by a declassified set of three National Security Action Memorandums (NSAM) issued on the same day to the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and also forwarded to Dulles. NSAM 55-57 placed Cold War operations firmly under the control of the Joint Chiefs.[22] According to Col Fletcher Prouty, they were Kennedy’s main means of gaining control over covert CIA operations. Prouty wrote: … shortly after the Bay of Pigs committee had completed its hearings, the White House issued three NSAM of a most unusual and revolutionary nature. They prescribed vastly limiting stipulations upon the conduct of clandestine operations. NSAM #55 was addressed to the chairman of the JCS, and its principle theme was to instruct the chairman that the President of the United States held him responsible for all "military type" operations in peacetime as he would be responsible for them in time of war.… [T]here was no misunderstanding the full intent and weight of this document. Peacetime operations, as used in that context, were always clandestine operations…. This NSAM therefore put into the chairman's hands the authority to demand full and comprehensive briefings and an inside role during the development of any clandestine operation in which the U.S. Government might become involved.[23] The three June 28 NSAM’s support the content of the CIA Memorandum issued the same day that involved Cold War operations by MJ-12. As I will show later through a leaked burned document, the three NSAMs explain why the Joint Chiefs were excluded from the most classified UFO information by MJ-12. Finally, I referred earlier to three 1952 Top Secret memos titled: "Joint Logistic Plan for MAJESTIC" from the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Prominent among the various “plans in support of MAJESTIC” was a “psychological warfare plan.”[24] Once again, this shows the relationship between MJ-12 (Majestic) operations and psychological warfare. Kennedy therefore had good reason to issue his June 28 1961 memorandum to Dulles asking him for a review of MJ-12 psychological warfare operations. Dulles response to Kennedy’s June 28 Memorandum was an alleged Top Secret letter issued on November 5, 1961.[25] Dulles’ letter gives an overview of the MJ-12 activities with regard to psychological activities. It describes UFOs as part of “Soviet propaganda” designed “to spread distrust of the government.”[26] Dulles’ letter acknowledged that while it was possible some “UFO cases are of non-terrestrial origin,” these did not “constitute a physical threat to national defense.”[27] Most significantly, Dulles’ letter said: “For reasons of security, I cannot divulge pertinent data on some of the more sensitive aspects of MJ-12 activities.”[28] If genuine, Dulles’ letter was giving President Kennedy only minimal information in response to his June 1961 NSAM request for a brief summary of MJ-12 activities.DULLES AND THE BURNED MAJESTIC TWELVE MEMORANDUM:The leaked June 28, 1961 Memorandum; EO 10920; NSAM’s 55-57; and Dulles’ November 1961 letter reveal that a power struggle was occurring over Presidential Executive control of Cold War psychological warfare programs and the covert activities of MJ-12. Up until his resignation as DCI on November 29, 1961, Dulles was the pivotal figure in the power struggle with Kennedy over MJ-12 activities and its control of classified UFO files. This power struggle is reflected in a leaked draft of a partially burned memorandum allegedly rescued from a fire burning the remainder of James Angleton’s files after his death on May 12, 1987. A former counterintelligence colleague of Angleton, who claimed to be present at the burning, sent it on June 23, 1999 to Timothy Cooper, a UFO researcher best known for his role in making public leaked MJ-12 documents.[29] According to Dr Robert Wood and Ryan Wood, the burned document is an original carbon with an Eagle watermark characteristic of government work, but so far forensic laboratories have been unable to trace it…. Although no dated is given, its content directly suggests the month of September. The year is estimated to be in the early 1960s and is still under investigation.[30] The burned document dates from the Kennedy era and has the characteristics of a government document.[31] If its contents are accurate, it provides smoking gun evidence of the power struggle between Kennedy and MJ-12 over access to UFO information. The classified Top Secret document with MJ-12 codeword access is a set of directives from the Director of the CIA who simultaneously headed the MJ-12 Special Studies Project, to six other members of the Project. It says on the cover page: As you must know Lancer [Kennedy’s Secret Service codename] has made some inquiries regarding our activities which we cannot allow. Please submit your views no later than October. Your action to this matter is critical to the continuance of the group.[32] The document clearly acknowledges that Kennedy’s efforts to gain access to UFO information soon after coming into office on January 20, 1961, actually imperiled the existence of the MJ-12 Special Studies Project/Group. While the burned document has no date of issue, the authority of the writer and the political context indicates it was written shortly after Kennedy had issued his June 26, 1961 National Security Action Memorandum requesting a “Review of MJ-12 Intelligence Operations as they related to Cold War Psychological Warfare Plans.”[33] The burned document acknowledged that it had “become necessary to review and evaluate duplication of field activities in light of the current situation.”[34] This appears to be a reference to the June 26 NSAM review Dulles was ordered to undertake. The burned document appeared to be a draft for a series of MJ-12 directives from Allen Dulles, who knew his time as DCI was limited due to the April 1961 Bay of Pigs fiasco. He needed an answer from the other MJ-12 members by October, a month before he was to retire as DCI on November 29, 1961. The burned document contained a number of directives concerning how to control UFO information and ensure that it would not be shared with the “Chief Executive [President Kennedy), National Security Council Staff, department heads, the Joint Chiefs, and foreign representatives.” Basically, Dulles secret directives proscribed Kennedy’s National Security team from gaining access to the most sensitive UFO files possessed by the CIA and MJ-12. While the response of other MJ-12 members is not found in leaked documents, Dulles November 5, 1961 letter to Kennedy indicates that his secret draft of MJ-12 directives was approved. Dulles letter firmly suggests that MJ-12 had decided not to cooperate with Kennedy. Thus Kennedy’s efforts to incorporate MJ-12 psychological warfare activities under the direct control of his National Security Advisor had been dismissed. To summarize so far President Kennedy’s activities towards MJ-12, documents reveal that in 1961 Kennedy was attempting to gain control over intelligence activities related to Cold War psychological warfare operations. This is confirmed in Executive Order 10920 that placed interagency psychological warfare plans under the control of McGeorge Bundy. It is further supported by declassified 1952 memos from the Joint Chiefs of Staff to provide logistic support for MAJESTIC (MJ-12) psychological warfare programs, and three NSAM’s issued on June 28, 1961 to place covert Cold War activities under the control of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. On the same day, June 28, Kennedy contacted Allen Dulles to request a summary about MJ-12’s psychological warfare activities. Dulles November 5 response highlighted that these activities involved the UFO issue but declined to release sensitive information. These events are consistent with the content of the burned document comprising eight directives restricting access to UFO information from the President, his National Security Council Staff, including Bundy, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It can therefore be concluded that Allen Dulles was the official who drafted the burned document. Some time shortly before his alleged November 5, 1961 letter to Kennedy, Dulles draft set of directives had been responded to and approved by six other members of MJ-12. While Dulles and MJ-12 frustrated Kennedy’s efforts to gain access to classified UFO files in late 1961, less than two years later Kennedy would embark on a course of action that would renew his conflict with MJ-12 and bring it to a devastating climax. To be continued in Part II.*** About the Author: Michael E. Salla, PhD., is the author of Exposing US Government Policies on Extraterrestrial Life (2009) and Exopolitics: Political Implications of the Extraterrestrial Presence (2004) He has held full time academic appointments at the Australian National University, and American University, Washington DC. He has a PhD in Government from the University of Queensland, Australia. He is the Founder of the Exopolitics Institute (http://www.exopoliticsinstitute.org ) and the popular internet website Exopolitics.Org; Chief Editor of the Exopolitics Journal, and Co-Organizer of the Earth Transformation: New Science, Consciousness and Cosmic Contact conferences in Kona, Hawaii. Main website: http://www.exopolitics.orgEndnotes [1] “Counter Intelligence Corps/Interplanetary Phenomenon Unit Report,” has been given a medium-to-high authenticity rating by the founders of the Majestic Documents website. Available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/ipu_report.pdf[2] Symington was Secretary of the USAF from September 18, 1947 to April 24, 1950. Biographical information at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stuart_Symington[3] US Army FOIA response is available online at: http://www.cufon.org/cufon/foiasop.htm[4] Timothy Good, Need to Know: UFOs, the Military, and Intelligence (Pegasus Books, 2007) 420-21.[5] See “The Marilyn Monroe CIA Memo,” available online at: http://www.blackmesapress.com/page4.htm[6] Document available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/marilynmonroe.pdf .[7] Cited online at: http://projectcamelot.org/bill_holden_i ... ipt.html[8] Cited online at: http://www.presidentialufo.com/johnf.htm[9] Testimonies and film supporting Adamski’s claims are presented in video available online at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kPvvz7O3 ... re=channel . See also Neil Gould, “Revisiting George Adamski’s claims of Human looking Extraterrestrials,” Exopolitics Journal 3:2 (July 2009).[10] Cited online at: http://www.theforbiddenknowledge.com/ha ... fos.htm[11] Even though the document was found in a box of official records at the National Archives, it does not have the standard control number. This has led to some claiming it was planted in the National Archives and is a hoax, but that is unlikely given NARA security procedures. See: http://www.ufoforhumanrights.com/mj-12.php . For a NARA statement on the memo, go to: http://www.archives.gov/foia/ufos.html#mj12[12] Available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/cu ... ing.pdf[13] Smith’s memo is available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/sm ... v51.pdf[14] Vannevar Bush’s biography available online at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vannevar_Bush[15] Available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/jo ... tic.pdf[16] Truman Memo is available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/tr ... restal.pdf [17] Available online at: http://majesticdocuments.com/documents/ ... ing.pdf[18] Stanton Friedman is the most prominent supporter of the legitimacy of the Eisenhower Briefing Document, see his Top Secret/MAJIC: Operation Majestic-12 and the United States Government’s UFO Cover-Up (Marlowe and Co., 2005 [1996]. For discussion of the Eisenhower Briefing Document and MJ-12 more generally, see: http://www.ufoforhumanrights.com/mj-12.php[19] Available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/ke ... tor.pdf[20] Available online at: http://www.lib.umich.edu/govdocs/jfkeo/eo/10920.htm[21] President Truman’s Executive Order 10483 - Establishing the Operations Coordinating Board, was issued on September 2, 1953. Available online at: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index ... d=60573[22] Available online at: http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Re ... AMs.htm[23] Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team: The CIA and Its Allies in Control of the United States and the World (Skyhorse Publishing, 2008) 134-35. Also available online at: http://www.bilderberg.org/st/SecretTeamChapter04.htm[24] Available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/jo ... tic.pdf[25] “Operations Review: The MJ-12 Project,” available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/mj ... -61.pdf[26] “Operations Review: The MJ-12 Project,” available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/mj ... -61.pdf[27] “Operations Review: The MJ-12 Project,” available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/mj ... -61.pdf[28] “Operations Review: The MJ-12 Project,” available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/mj ... -61.pdf[29] Available online at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/bu ... ter.pdf[30] See prefatory comments for burned memo at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/docume ... 969.php[31] The burned memorandum is available online at: http://majesticdocuments.com/documents/ ... nedmemo[32] See page one of burned memorandum available at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/bu ... pgs1-2.pdf [33] “John F. Kennedy to Director, CIA,” http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/ke ... tor.pdf[34] See page one of burned memorandum available at: http://www.majesticdocuments.com/pdf/bu ... pgs1-2.pdf
Bob
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Re: THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

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This short video says it all:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pBwexA3iDcsThis video is much longer, as CIA insider and Watergate lawyer Douglas Caddy discusses this subject in depth:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5jKBlJQNtek
JDThomas
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Re: THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

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kenmurray
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Re: THE REMOVAL OF JFK # 1 - # 41:

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